Vita Griffini Filii Conani: The Medieval Latin Life of Gruffudd Ap Cynan 9780708318935 [PDF] - VDOC.TIPS (2024)






edited a n d t r a n s l a t e d by Paul Russell


© Paul Russell, 2005 Reprinted 2012

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In memoriam patris mei



Preface List of illustrations

Abbreviations Introduction Background The manuscripts

The relationship between the surviving manuscriptsof the Latin version The evidence for an original Latin life of Grufludd ap Cynan Digression: the early manuscript tradition of Latin Redaction E of the Welsh laws

The Peniarth 434 version of the life of Gruffuddap Cynan (a) The underlying text


15 17 25


(b) Misunderstandings in HGK clarified ni VGC


(c) Comparison of factualdetails in VGC and HGK


(d) The orthographyof names ni VGC


(e) The Latinity of VGC The medieval Vita Griffini filii Conani ( a )Transmission



41 43

(b) Place o fcomposition (c) Date of composition


(d) Historical implications


Method of editing


Vita Griffinifi l i Conani: text and translation







Appendix 1

The orthography of the Welsh names in Vita Griffini fili Conani


Appendix 2 Names of countries and nationalities in Vita Griffini filit Conani



Appendix 3

The fair copy in BL, Cotton MS, Vitellius C.ix






Index of names


Index of biblical references


Index of manuscripts


It si my pleasure to acknowledge the generous financialsupport of the Neil Ker

Memorial Fund of the British Academy ni the publication of this volume. A late draft of this work was awarded the Legonna Celtic Research Prize in 2003;

I am grateful to the Council of the National Library of Wales and the judges for their kindness. Many people have helped in the preparation of thisedition. Thomas Charles-

Edwards and Huw Pryce read drafts of the edition. I am grateful too for the helpful comments of the reader appointed by the University of Wales Press.

David Dumville, Pierre-Yves Lambert, Patrick Sims-Williams, Jonathan Coe and Morfydd Owen have offered suggestions and ideas on particular points.

Many people, in particular Beverley Smith, Alex Woolf, John Koch, Nerys Ann Jones and Charles Insley, have offered comments at lectures on this text in

Aberystwyth, Bangor, Cambridge, Edinburgh and Oxford. This work could not have been completed without the help of librarians and archivists; in particular, I

am grateful to Ann Daniels in the Melville Richard's Archive of Welsh Place Names for answering queries about names; to Fiona Wilkes and Julian Reid at Merton College, Oxford, who at various times allowed me access to the

college's manuscripts; in particular, I am grateful to Maredudd ap Huw in the National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth, for his unstinting support and friendship ni answering queries with such a wealth of detail and expertise. The text was the subject of a graduate reading class in Oxford in Trinity Term 2002; the comments of those present, especially Arkady Hodge,

Fiona Edmonds,

Kathleen Hutson and Max Lieberman, were of particular value, coming as

they did from a wide range of different interests. Anumber of people helped ni

the final stages of the production of this book: the staff of the University of

Wales Press have been extremely supportive and helpful; Simon Faolain



prepared the map. This work would not even have started without the help and

generous support of Daniel Huws. Not only did he check the text and answer

numerous queries about difficult sections, but it was he who initially suggest ed to me in the context of Welsh law manuscripts that Peniarth 434 might be worth

a look'.


As ever, my wife, Felicity, and my son, Ben, have been a constant source of support and love. The work is dedicated to the memory of my father who saw its beginning but not its completion.


13 .1 Aberystwyth, NLW, Peniarth MS 434, p. 4 2 . p 434, S M arth 2. Aberystwyth, NLW, Peni

S 434, p. 27 .3 Aberystwyth, NLW, Peniarth M S 434, p. 04 4. Aberystwyth, NLW, Peniarth M .5 Aberystwyth, NLW, Peniarth M S 434, p. 54

6. Aberystwyth, NLW, Peniarth MS 256, fol. 16r 7. London, BL, Cotton MS, Vitellius C.ix, fol. 136v 8. Oxford, Merton College MS, 323, fol. 6r

Map Map of Wales showing places mentioned in VGC Figures .1 The relationship between the surviving manuscripts o f the Welsh version

2. The relationship between the surviving manuscripts of the Latin version 3. Emanuel's stemma f o rthe relationship between the early manuscripts of Redaction E

4. The revised stemma for the early manuscripts of Redaction E 5. A stemma to show how Peniarth 434 might derive from a different Welsh text 6. A stemma to show how Peniarth 434 might be a descendant

of the original Latin text of the life of Gruffudd ap Cynan



12 18 19




For full bibliographical details, see Bibliography. For sigla of the manuscripts

of HGK and VGC, see pp. 3-4. AC

Annales Cambriae


Armes Prydein


Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies


London, British Library


B o o ko f Taliesin


Brenhinedd y Saeson

B T (Pen. 20)

ByT (Pen. 20 tr.)

Brut y Tywysogyon (Peniarth 20 version) Brut y Tywysogyon (Peniarth 02 version, translation)

ByT (RB)

Brut y Tywysogyon(Red Book of Hergest version)


Cyfres Beirdd y Tywysogion


Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies (vols. 1-25): Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies (vols. 2 6 - )


. Owen, Catalogue of Manuscripts relating to Wales in the E British Museum


The Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources Études celtiques


The English History Review


Early Welsh Genealogical Tracts


Geiriadu r Prifysgol Cymru




The History of Gruffydd ap Cynan


Historia Gruffud vab Kenan


Law manuscript: Oxford, Jesus College MS, 57

Law manuscript: London, British Library, Cotton MS,

Titus D.ix LTWL


The Latin Texts of the Welsh Laws A Mediaeval Prince of Wales


Aberystwyth, National Library of Wales


National Library of Wales Journal


Law manuscript: Aberystwyth, NLW, Peniarth MS, 36A Oxford Dictionary of National Biography


The Oxford Latin Dictionary


Law manuscript: Aberystwyth, NLW, Wynnstay MS, 63


Law manuscript: Aberystwyth, NLW, Peniarth MS, 31


Revue celtique



.J G. Evans, Report on Manuscripts in the Welsh Language Transactions of the Honourable Societv of Cvmmrodorion

Law manuscript: Cambridge,Trinity College MS, 1 VGC

Vita Griffini filii Conani (the text edited and translated in this volume)



Vitae Sanctoru m Britanniae et Genealogiae

Law manuscript: London, British Library, Cotton MS,

Cleopatra A.xiv


The Middle Welsh life of Gruffudd apCynan, hte king of Gwyneddwho died

the Irish Sea and ni 1137, si an important source for the history of Wales, been recognized

Ireland in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, but ti has long that the surviving Middle Welsh version is a translation of a Latin original

which was thought ot have been lost.' The Middle Welsh life was edited and

translated into English by Arthur Jones in 1910 (HGC), but modern scholars have the benefit of Simon Evans's monumental editionof the text published in (MPW 1977 (HGK), followed by his English translation of the text in 1990 which included the Welsh text.? A striking feature of this text si that only one medieval manuscript has survived and that is fragmentary, NLW, Peniarth MS 17, pp. 1-16. There was a renaissance in interest in Gruffudd ap Cynan in sixteenth-century north Wales and many morecopies have survived from that

period. Both editions of the Welsh text, therefore, supplement t h egaps in the Peniarth 17 text with material from NLW, Peniarth MS 267, probably the


The Welsh History Review

earliest of the surviving sixteenth-century versions. Even though ti is clear that the sixteenth-century manuscripts belong to a different branch of the manu-


Lawmanuscript: London, British Library, Cotton MS,

script tradition, as a whole it seems to have been very close and therefore the

Cleopatra B.v

1 On the evidence for a lost Latin original, see below, pp. 15-17 2 The Welsh text ni MPWis notanexact reprintof the text in HGK. On occasions, emendations or changes suggested in the notes inHGK have been incorporated into the text of MPW; for example, compare the text of MPW 23. 13 with that of HGK .1 10-11 (cf. VGC §2/2 below and the note).

3 As an example of the traffic ni manuscripts of HGK, ni 1655 Meredith Lloyd asked Robert

Vaughan for a loan of his copy of the Welsh life of Gruffudd ap Cynan; interestingly hecalled it Hanes Griffith ap Cynan; see N . Lloyd, 'Meredith Lloyd', Journal of the Welsh Bibliographical

Society, 1 (1975-6), 133-92: pp. 165, 185-6. Robert Vaughan also seems ot havehada copyof the Latinlife; es his own library catalogue (Aberystwyth,NLW MS, 9095B; es D . Huws, 'Robert

Vaughan', ni Huws, Medieval Welsh Manuscripts (Cardiff and Aberystwyth, 2000), 294 under the shelfmark Z.2.3.8: 'Thelwalls translation of Griffith ap Conans life; on Vaughan, see Huws, MWM, 287-302; Evans, 'Vaughan. Robert Powell'. ODNB.




supplementary material provides a reasonably reliable guide to the contents of

The Manuscripts

the lacunae in Peniarth 17.4

Another aspect of the sixteenth-century rebirth ni interest ni Gruffudd ap

Cynan was the creation ofa Latin translation of the Welsh text. Some ten manuscripts of this Latin translation have survived, some of which have been preserved

ni manuscripts sideby side with the Welsh text.§ They are testament ot an

increasing humanistic interest ni this text ni the sixteenth century and, given that one version of the Latin text, BL, Cotton Vitellius C.ix, was copied for Dr John Dee, perhaps also to an interest on the part of the Elizabethan court ni aspects of earlier British history as a means of justifying imperial ambitions 6

These Latin versions have recently been surveyed by Ceri Davies.' The main focus of this volume is on the earliest of them, the version preserved ni NIW, Peniarth MS 434. This version has been heavily annotated and corrected. The text edited here is the underlying, original text in this manuscript, and in what

follows it will be demonstrated that this text is not a translation of the Welsh text but represents a late copy of the medieval Latin life of Gruffudd ap Cynan which predated the Middle Welsh translation.

The underlying text of Peniarth 434 was heavily altered and annotated in the sixteenth century and it appears that the intention of most of the changes was

ot bring it into line with the Welshtext. Fair copies of Peniarth 434, therefore, look exactly like translations of the Welsh text. One such text is NLW MS, Peniarth 276 which was published by R . Williams in 1866.8 Another, probably the earliest, is BL, Cotton Vitellius C.ix, which is in the hand of Maurice Kvffin

What folows si not intended ot eb afull discussion of al hteaL manuscri atinled ni surveypts detai ofthe life of Gruffudd ap Cynan. Simon Evans produced HG IK, pp. colxxiv-colxxxix. Peniarth 434 wil be discussed in some detail, as wil significantly Cotton Vitellius C.ix, being the twomanuscripts which figure most ni this volume.

ved ni the The Welsh version of the life of Gruffudd ap Cynan si preser

cripts:10 following manus A B

C Ch D Dd E F

xin2)11 NLW, Peniarth MS 17, pp. 1-16 (saec. (saec. xvi2) 4v 144г-5 . s fol , x i BL, Cotton Vitellius C. xviimed) . (saec 86 331. p p NLW, Peniarth MS 267, xvi2) (copy of C) (saec. NLW, Wynnstay MS 10, pp. 167-87 NLW MS 3075=( Mostyn 39), pp. 97-121 (saec. xvi2)

NLW, Llanstephan MS 150, fols. 1-40 (saec.xvi2) (copy of B) S 2.388, pp. 7-17 (saec. xvii2) Cardiff Central Library M NLW, Panton MS 2, pp. 397-428 (saec. xvii2)

NLW, Panton MS 26, pp. 75-160 (saec. xviii2) (copy of Ch)




NIW MS 53 (= Williams MS 258), pp. 122-42 (saec. xviii2) (copy of F) NLW MS 119=( Williams MS 324), pp. 25-106 (saec. xvili2) (copy of Ff) NLW MS 13211 =( Llyfr Thelwall), pp. 1-7a (saec. xvi2)12 NLW MS 13215, pp. 283-300 (saec. xvi2-xvill)

and was eventually owned by Dr John Dee; it is printed ni Appendix 3.° According to Evans, there were also some named manuscripts which are no

longer extant, such as the Book of Sir Richard Wynn and the Bookof Plas y Ward. 31 Evans's analysis of the relationship between these manuscripts is pre-

4 See HGK, pp. celxxxii-iv. For some instances where the text of Peniarth 17 may not preserve the

sented in Figure 1.4 The important point to note si that A (the Peniarth 17

best readings, see below, p. 42.

fragment) is independent of the others. The Latin version of the life of Gruffudd ap Cynan is preserved in the

Vitellius C.ix (B and B), Wynnstay 10 (Ch and F) a n d Lanstephan 150 (Dd and Dd). For the sigla, see below, p. 3-4.

following manuscripts:

There are three manuscripts in which the Welsh and Latin texts are found side by side: Cotton

6 P. French, John Dee (London, 1972), 188-207; W . H. Sherman, John Dee: The Politics of Reading and Writing ni the English Renaissance (Amherst, 1995), 148-200; R . .J Roberts, 'Dee, John', ODNB; P. Russell, "Divers evidences antient of some Welsh princes": the Welsh manuscripts and books of DrJohn Dee', Journal of Celtic Studies, 5(2005), forthcoming. C. Davies, T ' he sixteenth-century Latin translation of Historia Gruffud vab Kenan', ni K. .L

01 The sigla for the manuscripts of both the Welsh and the Latin versions are those used by Evans in HGK. Evans's distinction between roman capitals for the Welsh text and italiccapitals for the Latin is maintained

Maund (ed.), Gruffudd ap Cynan: ACollaborative Biography (Woodbridge, 1996), 157-64.

" This manuscript si fragmentary; ti breaks of at a point corresponding ot HGK 23. 23. The

Peniarth 276, but ti has been silently corrected ni at least one place: on p. 31, I. 15-16, the text fili

21 The last w t o manuscripts were only discovered when HGK was reaching its final stages and they

'Life of Griffith ap Cynan', ed. R . Williams. The Latin text printed there seems ot be that of Catmani . ..fili Caswallani is not found in the manuscript; it has been restored to correspond to

the facing Welsh text where this section of the genealogy si found. For brief discussion, see HGK

pp. cclxxxv (and n. 139). It was thought to be ni the hand of Nicholas Robinson, bishop of

Bangor, but this now seems unlikely, see below, p. 15, for further discussion. * For a full list of the manuscripts, see below, pp. 3-4. For Cotton Vitellius C.ix, see pp. 10-11 and Plate 7. For discussion ofthe relationship between these faircopies,see pp. 11-15.

continuation of the text in HGK is taken from C ( P e n i a r t h 267).

werenot allocatedsigla by Evans; I haveallocated them the next two letters (omitting I). For NIW

13215, see Handlist,IV, 506-8, which offers an end date of late XVI cent.', but nothing seems ot have been added after the death of Edward Lhuyd ni 1709 (I amgrateful to Maredudd ap Huw for

this information).

31 HIGK, pp. colxxi- colxxin. 41 HGK, p. cclxx iu.



NLW, Peniarth MS 434, pp. 1-54 (1575 × 85) BL, Cotton MS Vitellius C.ix, fols. 133r 43v (saec. xvi2)


Cardiff Central Library MS 4.101 (The Book of Sir John Wynn), fols. 81-8 (saec. xvi/xvii) Ch


Cambridge, Trinity College MS O. v.24, fols. 1-10 (saec. xviil) BL, Additional MS 19712, fols. 1-10 (saec. xvi-xvii) NLW, Llanstephan MS 150, fols. 1-43 (saec. xviii)Is


Cardiff Central Library MS 3.11, pp. 155-84 (saec. xvi2)16



NLW, Wynnstay MS 10, pp. 147-66 (saec. xvii2)17 Oxford, Bodley, Jones MS 57, fols. 5-15 (saec. xvii)


NLW, Peniarth MS 276, pp. 1-12 (saec. xvi2)


The relationship between these manuscripts is considered below.& The present work is primarily concerned with manuscript A (Peniarth 434) which is the archetype of all the o t h e rcopies. The following description is partly dependent

on the brief description in HGK, pp. cclxxiv-cclxxv and on Daniel Huws's notes on the manuscript. 91

NLW, Peniarth MS 434. Folio, 28 folios; paper (approx. 305mm ×210mm, but

showing signs of trimming and repair) now all guarded as single leaves; the paper has a pot watermark similar to Briquet 12783 (1564-9); paginated 1-56, interleaved, with modern flyleaves; dated c. 1575-85 (Plates 1-5). The beginning is wanting and the early pages, pp. 1-19, have subsequently been damaged by rodents.

Fig 1 The relationship between the surviving manuscripts of the Welsh version (ct. HGK p.cclxxin)

The outer top corner of these pages has suffered some loss of text; ti is worst on p. 1and the damage decreases until p. 20 where the text is complete. The first page and the last page (Plate 5) are heavily stained, suggesting that they were the outside pages of the manuscript for some time before binding. Most of the pages show damp staining on the outer five centimetres. The surviving text of p. 1 begins

original translation from Latin

dicto Hybernice Swrth . . . The first surviving line of p. 1is in an italic hand, which Daniel Huws has identified as that of Edward Thelwall. The same hand wrote

Llyfr Syr Richard Wynn

most of the glosses. There are many surviving documents signed by him in the years when he was on the commission of the peace, 1583-1600 (always with his italic signature 'Edward' (or 'Ed') 'Theloal'), among the gaol files for Denbighshire in the records of Great Sessions. In addition, there are a numberof examinations

written ni his own secretary hand, for example, Great Sessions 4/7/4/28-9 and 4/7/5/47-8, all dated 1588 (including a few wordsof Latin in his italic hand). 02

Llyfr Plas y Ward

Ch Dd

The rest of the main text (pp. 1-54) is in the notably assured secretary hand of his amanuensis. The text was then heavily edited throughout by Thelwall; his alterations and annotations form the apparatus of the edition below. The same combination of hands with the same modus operandi worked o nanother manuscript, Peniarth 256, a copy of the Latin text of the Welsh laws (Redaction E).21 Thomas Wiliems later m a d e f u r t h e remendations to the text of Peniarth 434 in


97^ G


SI This manuscript si dated to the end of the seventeenthcentury ni HGK, p. cclx, but DanielHuws has identified the hand as that o f an amanuensis of Moses Williams, and so eighteenth-century in date.

61 This manuscript does not contain a complete text; it breaks off at apoint corresponding to the end of VGC §32/9. There is a picture of the first page of VGC in this manuscript (p. 155) n i The History

of the Gwydir Family, 70. For discussion of the contents of this manuscript and the sourcesof hte texts, see H. Pryce, 'The church of Trefeglwys', and the end of the "Celtic" charter tradition ni twelfth-century Wales', CMCS, 25 (Summer 1993), 15-54: pp. 18-22, 53-4. 71 For discussion of the contents of this manuscript and the sources of the texts, see Pryce, 'Church of Trefeglwys', 18-22, 53-4

black ink, marking his contributions by a marginal sign which resembles a flower (see Plate 3). They are collected in section (b) of the apparatus, as are all later notes Among these is a series of numbers in pencil added interlinearly in the middle of the recto of each folio. They are Alfred Horwood's foliation of the manuscript

which he probably had bound and interleaved in the nineteenth century.22 There is a note by H o r w o o d on the flyleaf of the manuscript to this effect. 81 See pp. 11-15. 91 See also the Handlist, I, 15 (where all the corrections and annotations are attributed to Thomas Wiliems), and E . Bensley, 'Catalogueof Peniarth Manuscripts which are wholly o rpartly in Latin' (TS, LW), 85, a draft of the Welsh [sic] life of Gruffudd ap Cynan'.

01 For the records of Great Sessions for Wales preserved i nthe National Library of Wales.

Aberystwyth, see G. Parry, A Guide to the Records of GreatSessions ni Wales(Aberystwyth, 1995).

12 See below, pp. 17-25, for further discussion 22 On Alfred Horwood. see below. o. 6.




On p. 56, apparently ni the hand of Edward Thelwall, is the note 'to my L of Blangorl, possibly Nicholas Robinson (d. 1585); on p. 23 'Ricar Myles's book' (s. x v i / x v i . It is perhaps the manuscript referred to as in the possession o f Hugh

Hughes, vicar of Bangor, ni 1760, and at Wig, Llandegai ni 1788.23 It was bought at a sale of the books a n d manuscripts of Alfred .J Horwood in 1888 by Egerton Phillimore and given by him to W . R . M. Wynne of Peniarth. There is a note by Phillimoreon p. i:

The manuscript in the 'far older hand' is the present manuscript, Peniarth 434, while the other manuscript mentioned is probably Peniarth 276.2 There is also a note on p. i in Phillimore's hand: This MS contains a draft of t h e Latin Translation of the Welsh Life of Gruffudd ap Cynan (see Hengwrt MSS 275 and 406).

Note: There is a MS of the original Life in the Cottonian Collection at the British Museum ( ) and of the translation in the Additional MS . .. at the same place

m Ridler (Bk seller) of 45 Holywell St. Strand in This book was bought by me of Mr W the summer of 1884. He had bought ti with other MSS (including a MS of Welsh

The gaps were never filled. The Welsh version in the Cottonian collection is pre-

poetry, that I also bought of h i m at the sale of the collection of Alfred J. Horwood

among the Additional Manuscripts is BL, Additional MS. 19712 (D).

Esq., of the Temple. Given Oct 21st 1888 (Sunday) to WRM Wynne, Esq., of Peniarth, as a companion MS to his Hengwrt MS 155, also a translation of the Welsh Life of Gruffudd ap Cynan, and said to be in the autograph of Bishop Robinson.24 A section of a letter from Phillimore to W. R. M. Wynne has also been pasted

into the manuscript. It is worth quoting in full fi only to highlight the negative

attitude towards the Latin versions of the life of Gruffudd ap Cynan:25 Ty'n Rhôs Cemmes Road R. S. O Montgomeryshire

Tuesday October 30th 1888 P.S. Of course this requires no answer Dear Wynne,

Re MSS 155 & 406, many thanks. For you leisurely to consider the suggestions I

sumably that preserved ni Cotton Vitellius C.ix (B). The Latin version preserved On p. 55 there is a Latin poem on weights and measures. Bensley described it as 'the table of grains, scruples and drachms, etc.'28 The end of some of the lines has been lost where the edge of the page has been damaged: Grana quarter quinque scrupu[li] pondere su[me In d r a c h m a m scropulus transit ter multiplicatus

Si solidam quaeris tres drachmas dimidiabis Hexagonum solido differunt in nomine solo29 Constat ex sex solidos, vel ter tribus uncia drach|mis

Uncia pars librae duodena quis ambigit eff.

It si an extract from the Schola Salernitana, a verse rendering of the Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum; ti corresponds, with some minor variations, to lines

ventured to m a k e was just what I w a n t e d . I a m sure y o u t h a n k e d m e m o s teffusively for

1588-91 and 1593-4 in de Renzi's edition. 03Inserted at the back of the manuscript

the MS! It was in my eyes of merely archaeological value: if i t had beenin Welsh, then

and marked as p. 57 is a money order dated 28 October 1806, in pursuance of a

ti would have been "quite a different pair of shoes". I wish that, some time or other, you would look up the signature of Bp. Robinson at Peniarth mentioned in the Catalogue (under MS 155) and see whether it most tallies with the hand of that MS. or t h eone I gave you. The latter looks to me by far the older hand.

I see that there is (or was) at Brogyntyn a MS. of the original Welsh Lifeof Griffith ap Cynan (found ni your MSS. 105 and 406). You might well add that fact into my MS. note at the beginning of the MS. I gave you. It was collated for the text (mainly itself taken from your MS. 406) in the Myvyrian Archaeology: see vol. ni (inoakcase in your inner Hall), p. 583 (notes) and the note after "AMEN" on p. 605. Acording to the same authority, there was also then a MS. at Downing and a Plas y Ward MS., written by Edwd Thelwall in 1574. This too you might add to my note. E. G. B . Phillimore26

The remainder of the letter si cut of at this point. Part of the next line si visible Im ' sure [... On

the verso of this fragment, part of the continuation reads: *.. ]is not exactly parallel: for his MSS. (of which he hardly realizes the value, perhaps) are kept just like books,in open cases in the big Library •w h e r e a s vonr M S S

Edward Thelwall was the eldest son of Simon Thelwall (1526-86) and died on 29 July 1610.31 In 1583 he became the fourth husband of C a r i n or Berain

(Katheryn of Berain, 1534/5-91) and she his third wife.32 Through his marriage to her he became stepfather to Sir John Salusbury of Lleweni whose father had

been Carin's first husband. 33 The Thelwall family was also closely associated 27HGK, pp. cclxxiv-celxxv. On the Downing manuscript,see HGK, pp. cclxxxvil- cclxxxvil.

82 Bensley,'Catalogue, 85.

92 This line was added interlinearly in a lighter brown ink.

andthe Circulation of Manuscripts, 1558-1640 (Oxford, 1996), 318-20.

32 A. Llwyd, A Historyof the Island o f Mona (Rhuthin, 1833), 72.

a- r o o m which the familv d o n t use

for the quarter endingon 10 October 1806 and signed by William Wynn.

, 44; the missing letters aer restored from de Renzi's edition. 03 Collectio Salernitana, V ' Dictionary of Welsh Biography, 932-3, sn.. Thelwal; es also H . R . Woudhuysen, Sri Philip Sydney

42 The latter manuscript si probably Peniarth 276 (G). 52 The punctuation and underlining are original. 62 Signature is ni red ink ni Wynne's hand. The second paragraph si also sidelined ni the same red ink.

of S h i r b u r n

Royal sign manual for the payment of an annuity to Diana Hotham for £100

must [

1 v o u r living [

23 See J. Ballinger, Kathryn of Berain, asa study ina North Wales FamilyHistory (London, 1929), 26-7.

33 See .E .A J.Honigmann,Shakespeare (Manchester, 1985), 92, 109-11 (and the family tree on p. 149). Robert Chester dedicated to the son the 1601 volume, Lous Martyr, ni which Shakespeare's 'The Phoenix and the Turtle was published. See also Dictionary of Welsh Biography, 889-90, s.n

Salusbury;Woudhuysen, Sri Philip Sydney, 319. The Thelwalls and theSalusburys werealready

related as Simon Thelwall, Edward's father, had married Alice Salusbury of Rug whose brother had married into the Llewenni branch of the familv: see Jones. The Wwn Familyof Gwvdir 123


with the Wynns of Gwydir, who traced their genealogy back to Gruffudd ap Cynan, and these links were strengthened by Edward's marriage to Carin; her

previous husband (married before 1573) had been Maurice Wynn of Gwydir and by marrying him she had become stepmother to Sir John Wynn, and so Edward's marriage to Katrin made him Wynn's stepfather. Thelwall was prominent ni

local public life and, along with other members of his family, si recorded as

serving on the commission of the peace in Denbighshire from 1583 until 1600.34 He was also known for his learning and command of languages, and his father

and he had amassed a considerable library; one item known to have been there was a copy of Philip Sydney's Old Arcadia,now Oxford, Jesus College MS 150.35 He was included in a list of gwyrda clodforus who helped Thomas Wiliems in

the preparation of his Latin-Welsh dictionary.36 On his death in 1610, several poets composed marwnadau to him, six of which are preserved in B L

Additional MS. 14965, fols. 240г-248г:


He was Welsh tutor to Edward, Lord Herbert of Cherbury, who said of Thelwall in his autobiography: my Parents thought fitt to send mee to some place where I might learne the Welch tongue, as beleeving it necessary to enable mee to treat with those of my freinds and Tenants who understood noe other Language; wherevpon I was recommended to Mr

Edward Thellwall of Placeward in Denbighshire.This Gentleman I must remember with honor as having of himselfe acquired the exact knowledge of Greeke Lattaine Frensh Italian and Spanish, and all other Learning, Having for that purpose neither gone beyond seas nor s o much as had the benefitt of any Vniversityes. Besides, he was of that rare Temper in governing hisCholler, that I neuer sawe him angry during the tyme of my stay there, and haue heard s o much of him for many years beforewhen occasion of offence was given him. I haue seen him redden in the Face, and after remaine for a while Silent, But when he spake, his words were so calme a n d gentle, That I found he had digisted hisColler.

Edward, Lord Herbert, married Mary, daughter of Sir William Herbert, heir to 'Der och lesu yw'r chwesir' (Siôn Cain), fols. 240г-241r

the Earl of Pembroke.39 Sir William was a friend of Dr John Dee, and took a

'Diliw fu'ch oes dolef chwyrn' (Rhisiart Phylip), fols. 241 r-242v 'Mawr gwyn yng Nghymru ganoes'* (Huw Machno), fols. 242v-244г

house in Mortlake ni 1581 presumably to be near Dee. In that period Mary, his daughter, is mentioned ni Dee's diary as a 3 year old playing with Dee's son, Arthur.04 The links between the Thelwalls. Wynns and Dee are of significance

Y ' cur i bawb yw cau'r bedd'(Morys Berwyn), fols. 244 -245г

"Trwy lesu y daeth i' n tristau' (Richard Cynwal), fols. 245г-246v

for the subsequent m a n u s c r i p t transmission o f the Latin version of the life of

'Dyffryn Clwyd aerwy hyd Ial' (Siôn Phylip), fols. 246v-248г37

Gruffudd ap Cynan.41 As far as can be determined, Thelwall's scribal activity seems to be the product of the early 1570s with no evidence that it continued into

All conventionally praise his ancestry and his fairness on the bench, but the awdl farwnad of Siôn Phylip also hints at his learning though lamenting its loss

example, there are n u m e r o u s references to his transcriptions m a d e in 1574 of

his later life when, as we have seen, other matters occupied his time; for

(fol. 247v37-40):

'Interdictio papae adversus Lewelinum

and 'Literae Lewelini

Pob deddf a chyneddf lle'r achwynnyd;

Pob kronigl disigl yna/i/ dwyswyd; Pob laith o wythiaith a waethwyd in mysg; Y ddysc dda a'r addysc a ddiwreiddiwyd. every law and custom where there was complaint; every firm chronicle was there made firm;

every language of eight languages hasbeen made worse among us; great learning and education has been pulled up by the roots. 43 J. R. S. Phillips, The Justicesof the Peace ni Wales and Monmouthshire, 1541-1689 (Cardiff, 1957), 58-62; see above, p. 5, for discussion of the surviving documents ni his hand. 53 Woudhursen, Philip Sydney, 318-19. Rhagymadroddion, 114; see also C. Davies, 'The sixteenth-century Latin translation', 160.

73 Two other cywyddau ni this manuscript refer to Thelwall, namely: 'Llaw Dduw fyth yn Ilwyddo fydd' (Harri Hywel) fol. 262-262v, and Y ' carw rhudd cei air y rhawg' (Simwnt Fychan) fols. 269г-270г. There are also two other poems referring to Edward Thelwall extant: "Tri achos noter uchod'(Simwnt Fychan), BL, AdditionalMS. 31080, fol. 216r; Cardiff Central Library MS.2.201

pp. 163-5; Aberystwyth, NIW, Llanstephan MS. 124, pp. 129-30, and Y ' r aer gwâr eurawg eryr" (Sion Cain), Aberystwyth, NLW, Peniarth MS. 117, pp. 215-18.

38The Life of Edward, 14-15; for a modernized text, se The Autobiography of Edward, 37-8. 93 There were ongoing links between the Herberts and the Thelwalls: the brothersof Edward Herbert and Edward Thelwall, Sir Henry and Simon respectively, were neighbours ni Essex and sharedthe Mastership of the Revels ni 1629; see Woudhuysen, Philip Sydney, 319, .n .S On Sir William Herbert, see C. Maginn, 'Herbert, Sir William', ODNB. 04 The Diaries of John Dee, 23 (s.d. 22. 23 January 1582)

4 Se below, pp. 10-11, on the discussion of Cotton VitelliusC.ix. For links with the Wynns, see The History of the Gwydir Family, I. 1-13 (andnn. 77-9); J. G. Jones, The Wynn Family o fGwydir

. 280). (Aberystwyth, 1995), 107, 123 (and the family tree of hte Wynns, after p 21 See NIW 13211 (Handlist, IV, s.n.), also reported ni Lhuyd's Parochialia, ,I 99, Wynnstay 10 (William Maurice's copy), fols. 195v-6v, NLW 1995(Panton 26), NLW 13215, p. 303(Handlist, IV, s.n.), NLW3075, pp. 127-34, and B LAdditionalMS. 14980, fol. 123, etc. A reference ni Lhurd's Parochialia, ,I 127, fi it is reliable, suggests that Edward Thelwall's scribal activity may have begun as earlv as 1570.



BL, Cotton MS, Vitellius C.ix, fols. 133г-143v;43 paper: #The paper has three pot watermarks, all different from the one ni Peniarth 434, and none easily identifiable.

The text is printed below in Appendix .3 The edges of the pages show damage from the Cottonian fire of 23 October 1731, though there is only slight damage to the text. The manuscript contains some thirty-five texts, mainly of historica l

interest, and was compiled in the sixteenth century by or for the antiquarian

Arthur Agard (1540-1615, Deputy Chamberlain ni the Exchequer). Our text si

the first of a group of three texts copied in the same hand, the other two being a copy of the Welsh life of Gruffudd ap Cynan (B above; fols. 144-154v) and a copy of the text Am ddiwedd Arthur (fols. 155г-157v).* The hand of this group of texts does not reappear in the manuscript and it looks as fi these quires were

bound in a composit e volume as a group from elsewhere. The hand has been identified by Daniel Huws a s that of Maurice Kyffin, who acted as an amanuensis


century.50 In addition, fols. 3-57 of the same manuscript contain a text ni Dee's secretary hand, Correctiones et supplementa Sigeberti Gemblicensis ex manuscriptis per J. Dee. These works are not noted in any of the contemporary

catalogues or lists of Dee's library.§ Dee's interest in Gruffudd ap Cynan was

of long standing; ni Dublin, Trinity College MS 634 (E.5.22) there si a marginal note on fol. 2r: 'Mr Simon Thelwall ni Northwales hath the historie, of the life of Griffith ap Kynan ap Jago prince of Northwales' 25 It is not clear whether these words refer to a Latin or a Welsh text; they may refer to the folios preserved in Cotton Vitellius C.ix or more likely to Peniarth 434. It is possible that these

folios came into the possession of Arthur Agard during the plundering of Dee's library after his departure to the Continent in September 1583 or during its dispersal after his death in 1609.53

for Dr John D e e ; there is an autograph translation by Maurice Kyffin pre-

servedin BL, Cotton Caligula, fol. 42r. Our text si entitled Vita Griffini

The relationship between the surviving manuscripts of the

Vilijl Conani, Regis Venedotiae vel Northwalliae.47 Above thisi n a different hand is Vita Griffini Regis Venedo[. . .]| Iurisperito in Latinum conversa.* The gap can be filled by reference to Dd (Llanstephan 150) which seems to represent an

The surviving manuscripts of the Latin version of the life of Gruffudd ap

conversa. 49 There are notes in Cotton Vitellius C.ix in the Welsh sections described

Cynan are listed above. The two manuscripts of central importance for this volume have been discussed in detail. What follows takes the priority of Peniarth 434 (A) for granted as it will be shown that all the other versions are

indirect copy of this manuscript and has preserved the inscription ni full; ni Dd it reads Vita Griffini Regis Venedotiae a Thelwallo | jurisperito ni Latinum

above (fols. 144-57v) in the hand of Dr John Dee, sugge sting that parts of

the manuscript were in his possession in the second half of the sixteenth 34 The modern foliation includes three folios at the beginning. The original foliation of the manuscript si visible

on some pages. The folio references for this manuscript ni RMWL, II, 1022,

G C beginning on fol. 133 but then reverts tothe have confused hte two foliations;it correctly has V

L a t i n version

directly or indirectly fair copies of it. The surviving manuscripts all date from the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries.$4 The following discussion is summarized in the stemma in Figure 2 . The manuscripts can be divided into two groups: B, Dd, E, F, Ff and G on the one hand and, on the other, C. C hand

D. There are two criteria for the split. First, the omission of sentence $32/11,

older foliation for HGK and the text on Arthur which should begin on fols. 144 and 155 respectively. The references are consistent ni CMRW. 17

Quoties tentarunt Powisiae incolae, at non potuerunt, is shared by all the manuscripts in the first group while the sentence is retained in the second.55 Secondly, the first group shows no indication that the annotations of Thomas Wiliems were present in manuscript A when the archetype of this group was

For details of the last text, see HGK p. cclvii, n. 28; for details of the edition, seeAm ddiweddArthur.

OS See John Dee's Library Catalogue, 163 (DM 35). For discussion of Dee's interest ni Welsh

(s.d. 14 June 1582), 264 (s.d. 7 February 1594); see also Dictionary of Welsh

I§ There are lists dating from 1556 and 1557 and a catalogue of 1583; see John Dee's Library

# See CMRW, 17, RMWL, II, 1022 (dated to 'circa 1575), HGK pp. cclvii-cclvili, cclxxv. See also A Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Cottonian Library, 425: 'Codex chartaceus, ni folio, constans folis 325 . . . item 9 Vita Griffini, filii Conani, regis Venedotiae vel Northwa lliae, a Thelwallo jurisperito Latine versa . . . 130°. For image, see Plate .7 64 Maurice Kyffin was aregular visitor to the Dee household; see The Diaries of John Dee, 1 (s.d. 25 October 1580), 45


y, 538, s.n. Kyffin, Morris; Williams, "Kyffin, Maurice', O that on one of those dates, or on some other visit (the diaries ofDeeDNB. It si tempting ot think are by no means complete), Kyffin delivered his copy of Peniarth 434 to Dee.

74 The filij has been added above in a later hand; see Appendix .3 84 The

edge ofthe page has been damaged by fire. 94 Llanstephan 150 (s. xvii2) (Dd) contains a copy of the three Welsh texts in Cotton Vitellius C.ix;

see RMWL, II. i , 727, HGK, pp. cclx, cclxxvi. They are bound ni a different order, the Welsh text

coming first,but sa the manuscript isnot continuously foliated ti si not clear that thedifferencein

order is significant. The date of Dd, eighteenth century, makes it certain that there was at least one

intermediate copy between it and B, labelled $in the stemma ni Figure 2; see below, pp. 13-14, for

fu rtherdiscussion.

manuscripts, see Russell,

"Divers evidences antient".


25 See John Dee's Library Catalogue, 19, .n 51 (the manuscript ni question si John Dee's Library Catalogue, DM 18).

This note is undatable but another note by Dee on fol. 36v of the same

manuscriptalso relates to manuscripts in Wales; it refers to Archdeacon Crowley and i sdatable to

after 1559.

53Sherman, JohnDee, 30-1.

45 Evans discusses the relationship between these manuscripts at HGK, p p .cclxxviii-cclxxxii, but his discussion si skewed by his assumption that they represent a translation of the Welsh text and he is predominantly concerned with trying to establish which Welsh text was used as the basis for the translation. Nevertheless, there is much of importance in what he says,although in some cases the line of argument has to be reversed.

SS For the stvle of reference to the textof VGCedited in this volume




Fig 2 The relationship between the surviving manuscripts of the Latin version


of Arthur, all in the same hand.8 In Dd the same three texts are copied; as the manuscript is presently bound, they are not in the same order but this may be not significant as there is no continuous foliation in Dd. The title of the text is

identical in both B and Ddin that they both have the double title including the reference to Edward Thelwall; this enables us to use the title in Dd to restore the section of the title in B lost in the Cottonian fire.$ The title i nD dhas been further annotated, In Lat. trad. per N. R. ep. B. 'translated into Latin by Nicholas

Robinson, bishop of Bangor. Both this and part of the title have also been given a further annotation referring to another copy in Cod. Seb., referring to the library of Sir John Sebright which was sold in London in 1807.60 In other words, Dd

seems to be amore or less exact copy of B . As we shall see, E seems to be a copy of Dd, but that presents a problem in that Dd was copied in the eighteenth

century by an amanuensis of Moses Williams, while E belongs to the second half of the sixteenth century. Evidence for the statusof E is presented below, but

it looks as fi E was copied from the exemplar of Dd indicated in the stemma in F i g u r e 2 b yB.


Ch Da

G is also a copy of B, but the process of copying has not been quite so faithful. It is striking that the text of VGC in G is surrounded by several hundred blank pages; there are one hundred and forty numbered pages before the text and a similar amount after it.61 It looks as if the intention had been to copy the other texts from B as well, but that project was never realized and the

copied, but they have been incorporated into the manuscripts of the second

pages remained empty. The main title in G is copied from B, but the surtitle

group. The archetype of the second group, therefore, was copied later than the archetype of the first group.

which attributes the translation to Thelwall has been omitted.

We may take the sub-groups in chronological order. The first group of s' manuscripts (B, Dd, E, F, Ff and G), which does not contain Thomas Wiliem

annotations, is more complicated to unravel. Some of the relationships considered here have already been noted by Evans; for example, he noted that there was a

close relationship between E and F and between Ff and G5.6 The difficulty with

this group is that the texts are very similar and therefore the evidence for deciding upon their relationship is exiguous. One item of textual evidence,

There is an

ownership note by Robert Vaughan of Hengwrt in the top left-hand corner. The scribe of G was not averse to making the occasional change of wording and adjustment to the Latin spelling and to the spelling of the Welsh names;62 , fol. 13531) profecti has been misread as for example, at VGC, $12/3 =( B praefecti; at the end of VGC, §1712 (= B, fol. 13717) he added another main verb, appulit; at VGC, §17/7 (= B, fol. 13728) he replaced the adverb assidue with quotidie; at VGC, $32/9 =( B , fol. 142v22) he corrected the spelling discenderet to descenderet. In most respects, however, it is clearly a copy of B. Ff

however, can give some room for manoeuvre. At VGC $14/2 the basic text reads

may be dealt with easily. This is a copy of G and does not differ in any signi-

Gwrgeneus filius Caecili.S? In B there is a gloss ni the right margin giving further genealogical detail, mab Ithel mab Gwerystan etc. In Dd this has been incorporated into the text verbatim, and likewise ni E, F and G where ti has

ficant way from it. 63

been Latinized asfi l i Ithelfi l i Gwerystan etc. On that evidence B is the archetype

of this group and is a fair copy of .A The title and the surrounding texts are also important. In B VGC is followed by a copy of HGK and a text on the death 65 HIGK, p. cclvvvili, .n 108

?5 The text of this phrase in the edition below is composite: the latter part has been lost where the nage was damaged: the gar has been filled from B and is identical in the other manuscripts as well.

E and F remain to be discussed. At first glance E looks like a copy of G; for example, it shares all the readings unique to G listed above.∞ However, in terms 85 See p. 10 above for details. 93 See p. 1 0 above, and also HGK, p. cclxxvi. 6 This may well be E; see HGK, p.ccixvi; Huws, Medieval Welsh Manuscripts, 298.

16 HGK, p. cclxxviii. 26 This manuscript has been thought to be ni the hand of Nicholas Robinson,bishop of Bangor (see

HGK, p. cclxxvii, n. 105; Life of Griffith ap Cynan', ed. Williams, 131), but there si no evidence to indicate that this si so.For adiscussion of Robinson's role ni theproduction of VGC, see p . 15below.

36 HGK, p. cclxxvii, attributed erroneously to Robert Vaughan 6 HGK, pp. cclxxvi- cclxxvil.




of its title and heading, ti is clearly derived from ₽ (represented by Dd),

especially in having In Lat. trad. per N. R. ep. B. For the explanation we need to return briefly to ß and Dd. Subsequent to its copying from B, B was collated with G and at various points, notably in the cases listed above where G has

altered the text, the G reading has been added interlinearly; the interlinear arrangement of these additions was preserved in Dd. The text of E can be best explained as being a fair copy of B a f t e r had been collated with G. F is a copy of E. It was subsequently collated with another text, probably a Welsh text of

HGK, perhaps Ch with which it is bound in NLW, Wynnstay 10.65 We may now turn to the other smaller group, C, Ch and D, which is distinguished by two features: it has retained VGC, §32/11, and it is derived from A after Thomas Wiliems had made his annotations to that manuscript, with the result that these have been incorporated into the text. In short, D is the

archetype ofthis group.® Cis a reworked copy of it, and Ch is a copy of C. But this rather bald s u m m a r y conceals some very interesting developments. D is a

fair copy of A (including Thomas Wiliems's notes). But there is one other dif-

ference between the two groups of manuscripts and that has to do with the genealogies at the beginning of the text. As will be discussed below, the genealogies in the Peniarth 434 (A) version of VGC differ from the genealogies in HGK in two places where ni error they have omitted sections of the genealogy (the missing sections are restored in brackets, [ I): $2/1, fil. Cadwalederi Benedicti, fil. Cadwallawn (fil. Catmani, fil.

Iacobi, fil.

Beli, fil.

Runi, fil.

Maglocuni, fil. Caswallani] manus oblongae, $212 fil. Gurwsti, Ifil. Riwalloni, fil. Regatae, filiae Lyri, fil. Rudi, fil. Bladudi, fil. Llywelit] fil. Bruti Ysgwydwyn.

had become; C si ni the hand of Sir John Wynn himself and he may have been responsible for the annotation in D by William Lloyd.® Subsequently, the manuscript was annotated by Thomas Wiliems. There is a nice symmetry in the

way that, just as A was heavily annotated and fair copies were made of it, so D

was heavily annotated and a fair copy, C, was made of it. Ch requires little

discussion; it is a copy of C. The above discussion is summarized in the stemma

in Figure 2.

In a number of the manuscripts considered above, thecreation of a Latin

translation of HGK has been attribut ed to Nicholas Robinson, but the textual history shows that s u c h an attributi on seems to be secondary; B attribute s the translation to Thelwall, and Dd (representing B) has that heading to which is

added an attribution to Robinson, while ni E , which si a copy of B, the Thelwall

attribution has been silently removed but the Robinson attribution preserved.?° Given that A, demonstrably the archetype of the other versions, is partially in the hand of Edward Thelwall and fully glossed and annotated by him, it is certain that the attribution to Robinson is incorrect. The reattribution to Robinson in

manuscripts containing an attribution to Thelwall seems to have occurred in those manuscripts which passed through the hands of the Wynn family, and ti is possible that there was a deliberate attempt on their part to write Thelwall

out of the story. One possibility is that Thelwall's marriage to Katrin or Berain, which made him stepfather to Sir John Wynn, and the simultaneous marriage of Simon, Edward Thelwall's son, to Jane Wynn, daughter of Katrin or Berain and Maurice Wynn and stepsister to Sir John Wynn, brought the Thelwall family into

too close a relationship for the liking of Sir John and gave rise to personal dislike

The latter gap was noticed by Thelwall and he added the omitted section above

(p. 2.2-).6? That section then found its way into the fair copies and thus all nine derivative manuscripts have the second section of genealogy restored. However,

Thelwall failed to notice the first gap, and so the same gap is preserved ni the fair copies; that section of genealogy has not been restored in B or in any of its descendants, nor was it restored in D. However, after D was copied by William Lloyd, an amanuensis of Wynn, it was subject to very heavy annotation and alteration. Much of that alteration was stylistic; for example, the opening sentence

about Edward reigning in England and Therdelach in Ireland was turned into an

The evidence for an original Latinlife of Gruffudd ap Cunan It has always been assumed that there was a lost Latin life lying behind the extant Middle Welsh life. Apart from a general assumption that any life of a Welsh king composed in the twelfth century was probably in Latin, there are a number of features of the Welsh text which point ni the same direction.

ablative absolute construction as opposed to the temporal clauseof t h eoriginal.86 Another annotation restored the text of the missing section of the genealogy

(a) Welsh names, and especially place names, are characteristically made up of elements which are also attested as common nouns or as adjectives; as such,

interlinearly, presumably from a Welsh text as no other Latin text could have supplied the information. C is a fair copy of the very untidy product which D

they are frequently subject to etymological analysis; for example, y lle a elwir y

56 HGK, p. cclxxvii; cf. also pp. cclvii-cclix. 66 For D, see HGK, pp. ccixxv-cclxvi; for C and Ch, HGK, p. cclxxv.

6 For a discussion of the stylistic changes wrought on the text, see C. Davies, Sixteenth-century

76 Where the early pages of Peniarth 434 (A) are damaged along the top edge, line references are counted from the bottom of the page which has remained intact; this is indicated by aminussign after the line number. 86 See below, pp. 40-1, for furtherdiscussion on the stylistic features of the annotations in this manuscript.

their 'meaning' would be perspicuous to a speaker of Welsh. However, ni HGK

Latin translation',161-5, who thinks ti si a feature of C alone when ni fact the changes have

already been added in D; cf. also Jones's comments (HGC, 11-12).

07 For previous discussion, translation', 159-61.

see HGK, pp. cclxxx-cclxxxii,


'Sixteenth-century Latin




Kumraec Gaet Erw, neu y Tir Graetlyt, 'the place called in Welsh Gwaed Erw,

y bu e or the Bloody Field' (HGK, 9. 4-5 = MPW, 61. 16-17); E menyd, hagen, garned e menyd henne yu vrwvder endaw a eilw kiudaut e wlat M e n d Carn. Sef

of the land 'However, the mountain on which the battle was fought the people call Mynydd Carn, namely the mountain ofthe cairn' (HGK, 16.13-14 = MPW,

(d) The use of cumbersome cross-referencing phrases which work more

satisfactorily in Latin than ni Welsh, for example, dywededigyon . . . uchof (HGK, 15. 2-3): praedicti (§18/3), a dywetpvyt uchof (HGK, 17. 3 (varr. uchot)): prius nominatum ($19/2), etc.

within a Latin text, even 68. 36-69. 1). Such a practice is perfectly reasonable Welsh speakers, but it perhaps in a Latin text intended predominantly for

One further point is suggestive rather than central to the argument:

led in Latin by by other common Welsh words.?! The technique can be paralle est castrum de d i on, the practice of, for example, Giraldus Cambrensis: Kairarv Port magno, est id Arvon (Itinerarium Kambriae, 124), Porthmaur Meneviae,

dicating a Latin origin.? The title in VGC is Vita (see Notes, title (p. 125)) and

are explained makes no real sense in a Welsh text where commo n Welsh words

riptio Kambriae, 165).22 usque Ridhelic quod Britannice Vadum salicis (Desc how Asser From an earlier period and slightly further afield, we may compare deals with place names in his Life of Alfred explaining English names both in

Seluudu, Latine autem sylva Latin and Welsh: in orientali parte saltus qui dicitur of Selwood Forest (sylva magna Britannice Coit Maur in the eastern part

's Life of King magna [great wood] in Latin, and Coit Maur in Welsh)' (Asser Britannice quod adit, Alfred, 55. 7-8 = Alfred the Great, 84 (§55)), Snotengaham

"(the Viking Tigguocobauc interpretatur, Latine autem speluncarum domus or army) reached Nottingham (which is called Tig Guocobauc in Welsh, Speluncarum Domus [house of caves] in Latin' (Asser's Life of King Alfred, 30. 2-5 = Alfred the Great, 77 (§30)). origin of (b) I n one instance, a Remys y gan Remo (HGK, .4 13), where the of brother Remus, from coming as explained s i the name for modern Rheims ng preservi tly apparen Remo, s i Romulus, the name preserved in the Welsh text Ruvein the ablative case of the original Latin a Remo. In the preceding phrase, edited text Latin The y gan Romulus, Romulus has been restored to the nominative.

here is damaged in places and this section is missing, but ti can be restored from

the later copies as a Remo Rhemi (see below $5/11).73 , 5. 20 = MPW, 58. 6-12; (c) Merlin's prophecy about Gruffudd ap Cynan (HGK in both Welsh and Latin.?4 If the text cf. §8/2 below) is preserved in the Welsh text would have been no reason for had originally been composed in Welsh, there suggest the prophecy to be in Latin. The metrical patterns of the Welsh version text

n. It may well be that in it is the original, but VGC only has the Latin versio out in the course of perceived to be in Latin the Welsh version has fallen


(e) Evans pointed to the title Historia, as opposed to Hanes or Buchedd, as nimatches the use of Vita in, for example, Einhard's Life of Charlemagne. It is suggested in the Notes that buchedd might have been felt to be too hagiographical.

Digression: the early manuscript t r a d i t i o nof Latin Redaction

E of the Welsh laws Before going on to consider the relationship between Peniarth 434 and the Welsh text of the life of Gruffudd ap Cynan ni greater detail, a digression is in order, since the key to that relationship lies in the interrelationshipof the three

earliest extant manscripts of Redaction E of the Latin laws of medieval Wales. Since Hywel Emanuel's edition of the Latin laws in 1967 (LTWL), they are con-

ventionally divided into five redactions. The fifth of these redactions, Latin E,

is preserved in three manuscripts: 67 Lat E l

Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS, 454 (s. xv)

Lat E2

Oxford, Merton College MS, 323 (s. vi?) (written by Dr John Dee??

Lat E3

NLW, Peniarth MS, 256(s. Xvi*)

Emanuel printed the text of El as his main text and added variants from E2

and E3 in the apparatus.78 He claimed that the three manuscripts represented three versions of the same archetype; for him the relationsip between the manuscripts was as presented ni Figure 3.79 However, ti emerges that there are significant differences between the three versions which cannot be explained by a common archetype. For our purposes, Peniarth 256 (E3) is the crucial version. 80 It is heavily annotated and Daniel Huws has identified the h a n dof t h eannotator . .F Roberts, 'Ystoria, BBCS, 62 (1974-5), 13-20. 57 HGK, 35, .n 1; for further discussion, see B 67 For details, see LIWL, 408-13. Later manuscripts of this redaction all derive from one of these three manuscripts; see LTWL, 413-18; aspects of Emanuel'sdiscussion of the later manuscripts are in n e e d o f r e v i s i o n ,b u t t h e y d o n o t affect the c u r r e n t d i s c u s s i o n

11 See HGK, pp. cexxvii-cexxvin; HGC, 14-16.

21 For discussion of Giraldus, see S. Zimmer, A' medieval linguist', EC, 53 (2003), 313-50; these examples are to eb found on pp. 325and 328 respectively. 31 On the background to this, see below,p. 50.

71 This manuscript si listed as DM 160 in John Dee's Library Catalogue, 182. 81 LTWL, 434-509. 91 LTWL, 418(simplified)

Os For a description of the manuscript see LTWL, 412-13;see also RMWL I.i, 1072, T. Lewis. "Bibliography of the laws of Hywel Dda', Aberystwuth Studies. 10 (1928). 151-82: pp. 164-5.



Fig 3 Emanuel's stemma for the relationship between the early manuscripts of Redaction E

by Thomas Wiliems in Peniarth 225 in about 1594,and by William Maurice ni






as that of Edward Thelwall and the main hand of the basic text (probably an am-

Wynnstay 38 in 1662.84 Peniarth 256 was written by three hands: A

Edward Thelwall (main text: fols. 1r-v, 33-34r, 53-4, 56)


amanuensis of A (main text: all not written by hands A and C) amanuensis of A (main text: fols. 2r-v, 34v, 36г-v)

anuensis) as the s a m e hand which wrote the bulk of the m a i n text of Peniarth 434.81

The manuscript was subsequently heavily glossed and edited by hand A (Edward Thelwall). In other words, it looks as fi Peniarth 256 (E3) and Merton

manuscripts and the production seems to have been carried out in the same way. The basic text of Peniarth 256 (E3) underlying all the annotation and correction is essentially a copy of Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS, 454 (EI), amanuscript of the Parker collection.82 The text of Oxford, Merton College MS, 323

323 (E2) stand ni the same relationship to each other as do Peniarth 434 and,

In other words, the same hands were involved in the production of both these

(E2) is more closely related to that of Peniarth 256 than Emanuel realised. In

all respects it si afair copy of Peniarth 256 written by Dr John Dee ignoring all

the deletions but incorporating al the additions 38 Peniarth 256 was also copied

18 See Plate 6. The link with Thelwall is supported by anote on fol. 6 (inverted) 'Simon Thelwall -

for example, the Cotton Vitellius C.ix version of VGC. Emanuel's stemma should, therefore, be revised as in Figure .4 Fig 4 The revised stemma for the early manuscripts of Redation E Archetype


possibly representing 2s, a money account relating to Simon Thelwall of Plas y Ward (d. 1586),


28 The prologue of this manuscript si defective: the textends with one line to spare at the bottom of


earlier use of the manuscript.

fol. Ir; the verso si blank, and one folio si missing before the text apparently resumes at the top of fol. 2r (present foliation). It si not clear whether the prologue was copied into Peniarth 256 as the Peniarth manuscript si lacking at least its first folio; the text begins et ciphus aureus (corresponding of Peniarth to LTWL, 436. 23). Merton 323 acquired another prologue, and Peniarth 225 (a copy the laws of before beginning the t a pages empty several has 1594) i n Wiliems Thomas y b 256 made

court. Presumably Peniarth 256 did not have a prologue, or at least not a complete prologue which ni E2 was worth copying. Emanuel printed both the defective prologue from El and the prologue of Latin E (LTWL, 434-5). I hope to provide a full discussion of the manuscript tradition Russell, The elsewhere. For a text and translation of the prologues to Latin El and E2, see P.

Prologues ot the Medieval Welsh Lawbooks (Cambridge, 2004), 31-7.

38 See Plate 8 . The date of the Merton manuscript si by no means clear. Emanuel (LIWL, 411), who

did not recognise the main h a n d as that of Dee but did accept that the manuscript had belonged to

him, notes that hte Merton manuscript does not figure ni Dees' own catalogue compiled by him

and dated 6 September 1583, and so was written after that date (Emanuel's word si 'acquired"). Huws, 'Texts', ni Charles-Edwards et al. (eds), Lawyers andLaymen (Cardiff, 1986), 136, suggests that Dee wrote the manuscript between 1585 and 1588, since ni his pedigree ni the margin of fol. Ir the births of his first four children are recorded ni the first block of writing, including Michael Pragensis who was born ni Prague in 1585, while the births of the other four children, bornn his ow between 1588 and 1595, are later additions. Dee's interest in the 'matter of Britain, and

place within it came to a peak in the period from 1570 up to about 1583, and it is likely that the copying of the Merton manuscript was within this period; see R. J. Roberts, John Dee and the matter of Britain' THSC (1991), 129-43. Furthermore, Dee left England on 21 Sept. 1583 for the

continent, not to return until 22 Nov. 1589 (Diaries ofJohn Dee, 104, 246, respectively). Since ti is

unlikely that the copying of the text took place outside the country, ti was probably copied before

1583 but not included ni his 1583 catalogue. The note of the births of his first four children si ni

red ink and could well have been added later than the copying of the main text. Indeed, he may the well have taken the copied manuscript text with him and added the pedigree subsequently after

birth of Michael; ti seems likely, to judge from the annotation on the 1583 catalogue, that he took

hie four Welsh printed hooks to the continent with him (John Dee's Library Catalogue, 49) and he

The nature of the editing and glossing in Peniarth 256 is worth examining in greater detail. It would appear that the glossing and editing hand (probably Edward Thelwall) worked on t h emanuscript on several separate occasions. The

layers can be distinguished by ink colour. The main text is in a brown ink varying from a pale to a very dark brown upon which three levels of additions are discernible: a first layer in a pale brown ink, a second in dark brown ink

(in places almost black), and a third layer ni the same pale brown colour as the first layer; for example, the first layer of glossing can be clearly seen at Peniarth 256, fol. 59v12-16 (= LTWL, 504. 1-3) on the six instances where ceidwaid are required (glosses are in brackets): In sex locis debent esse ketweit (gl. .i. tutores uel conseruatores): videlicet, kadw tir a daiar (gl. .i. tueri terram), kadw cyn colli

(gl. .i. custodire secum ante perdicionem), kadw genia meithrin (gl. .i. attestari nativitatem et educationem), kadw guesti (gl. .i. tueri commorationem), kadw breint (gl..i. conseruare libertatem), kadw alltudiaeth (gl. .i. propugnare exilium); may well have packed some of his Welsh manuscripts. The manuscript wasstill i n Dee's possession in 1600 whenhe added on one of the flyleaves at the front of the manuscript a calculation abouta prognosticated reformof Welsh law in 666 yearsafter theircreation by hisancestor, Hywel Dda

(Huws, 'Texts', 136). For furtherdiscussion, see Russell, "Divers evidences antient" See LTWL, 414, 417 respectively.

S§ There are also two additions in red ink: on fol. 8v10 and 13 he added the word numel(as twice, the first case glossing tauilhualeuand n i the second kenlleuaneu.



the second can be seen in the correction to the last gloss where the ending of exilium was deleted and it was changed to ab exilatione.86 The second layer of glosses in a dark, almost black, ink, presumably represents a second visit to the manuscript, in some cases correcting his earlier efforts but in others writing fresh glosses.87 The last layer is distinguishable from the first layer in that in


legalis sit, id est, si ecclesiastica doctrina instructus, et litteratus; altera medietas presbiteris* et canonicis. Talis diuisio fit interabbatemet presbiteros de pugna illorum qui ab abbate e l presbiteris refugium accipiunt. Sicque diuiditur omne quod tantummodo sancto, non altari nec ali oblatum, erogatur. y Tres sunt lire legales:

uidelicet, lira regis, optimatis, penkerd.

places it overwrites the second layer of dark ink glosses; for example, at fol. 16+7 Pro tecto lxxx denarios nisi fuerint tigna=( LTWL, 453. 11-12), pro is deleted and replaced by in, and the rest apart from tecto is also deleted and scilicet sunt octaginta sex columnae added in a dark ink; subsequently, in a light brown ink

ipsius aulae over sunt octaginta was added, columnae was deleted and tigna was added above it in a slightly darker ink.88 In short, alterations to the manuscript

In the left-hand margin of this passage, Thelwall wrote, ni black ink with a cross as a reference mark in the text before the final sentence of the abovepassage,

pagina fere hic deest quae est in Brytanico textu 'almost a page is missing here which si in the Welsh text'. In other words, he had a manuscript in Welsh next

Different types of annotation can also be distinguished. Welsh terms were glossed in Latin (see the example above on ceidwaid) and occasionally in Greek;

to him which he was collating with our text and he found that at this point the texts did not match and that there was a passage in the Welsh manuscript which was not in our text. The passage has to do with triads. Two triadsare given, the first on dirwy, the second on harps, and Thelwall's cross is inserted between the

for example, on fol. 11v11-13=( LTWL, 448. 11-12) naw affeith is glossed by

two triads. Not all the redactions of Welsh law contain triads and consideration

novem accessoria, the latter word being glossed by Greek s u v a t i a . Longer sections of text in Welsh are usually deleted completely; for example, the triad

of the arrangement of triads suggests that Thelwall had at his elbow a manu-

were carried out over a period of time and seem to be the result of several visits.

on teir meuylwryaeth at fol. 21r17-20=( LTWL, 459. 12-14), or the section on

script of the Blegywryd redaction; the Iorwerth redaction does not contain many triads and certainly does not contain these particular triads; while the

'nines' at fol. 5214-20=( LTWL, 495. 20-5). Some sections of text have been

Cyfnerth redaction does contain triads, there si no triad on harps ni hte

rewritten perhaps after collation with another text; this is discussed in detail below. There are a few instances where Thelwall makes his own comment; for

Cyfnerth corpus and the triad o ndirwy takes a different form." Manuscripts of the Blegywryd redaction fall into two groups depending on the arrangement of

example, in a passage on the edling (fol. 1v1 = LTWL, 437. 10) he adds a comment

triads. There is one group where the triads occur in several blocks throughout

in the top margin to the effect that the edling is like a prince in England or the Dauphin in France: ut princeps i n Anglia vel Delphinus in Francia (the last word

the text;92 manuscripts L (BL Cotton MS, Titus D.ix (s. xivmed)) and J (Oxford,

then deleted and Gallia added). 89

r (Cambridge, Trinity College MS, (NLW, Peniarth MS, 36A (c.1300)) or T

For our purposes the question of whether he was collating his base text with other manuscripts is of particular interest. All the indications suggest that he

was doing this with several other manuscripts. A survey of the annotation of Peniarth 256 shows that almost all of ti derives from the Blegywryd and

Jesus College MS, 57 (c. 1400)) are of this type. But in manuscripts such as O

O.vii.I (c.1300)) the triads are arranged in a single big block. In terms of

printed versions of the Blegywryd redaction, the former group is represented by the edition of ,J the latter by the text edited as Llyfr Blegywryd? The

much the same in both and Thelwall's annotation is translated into Latin, thus

description given in Thelwall's marginal note, in which he describes the triad on dirwy and triad on harps being separated by about a page of text, best fits a manuscript of the L or J type a n dnot one like O or Tr. This is well illustrated by

preventing direct access to the Welsh text. An important passage, however, is

a comparison of the page numbers of the two different printed texts of Blegywryd

found on fol. 23v4-17; the text (corresponding to LTWI, 461.23-33) is as follows:

manuscripts: Cyfreithiau Hywel Dda, 32. 6-17 (dirwy) and 33. 15-18 (telyn), but Llyfr Blegywryd 42. 29-43. 13 (dirwy) and 18. 8-9 (telyn) respectively. In all the manuscripts of the former type, these two triads a r eapproximately a manuscript

Cvfnerth redactions. In many cases, it is impossible to tell which, as the text is

Ex tribus fit dirwy: viz., pugna, furto, treis. Duplex autem fit dirwy in curia et in ecclesia, et duplex camlvry. Que ecclesia si matrix fuerit, de pugna que in cemiterio ens

agitur xiiii libras habebit. Si vero extra in villa, septem. Quarum medietas abbati cedet si

page apart (depending on the size of the manuscript page), while in the latter

68 Cf. also Peniarth 256, fol. 10r 16-19, for a heavily glossed section on the cook,where two levels of glossing can be discerned. 78 For example, the glosses at fol. 32v10 are in different colours and may wellrepresent two separate glossing sessions.

8 For another example, see fol. 1820 (= LTWL, 455. 28)

98 Only the last few words survive in this manuscript, but the comment was copied by Dr John Dee and survives intact in Merton 323, fol. 3r 14-15 with anote by Dee added in the left margin.

9 The manuscript (fol. 23v11) has presbitiswith er added above the ti.

19 Cf. WelshMedievalLaw, ed. Wade-Evans, 123. 9 For the sigla of Welsh law manuscripts employed ni the following section, see the abbreviations listed above, pp. xiii-iv and for a full list, seeCharles-Edwards, e tal. (eds), The Welsh King andhis Court, 576-77. For the dates of the manuscripts, seeHuws, Medieval Welsh Manuscripts, 57-64.

39 For the printed text of J, see C)freithiauHywelDda.






type of Blegywryd text the triads occur up to twenty pages apart and in reverse

of buildings. It has the advantage of being a list of technical terms, and so is


more amenable to analysis than a passage of translated Welsh. Three versions of the text are presented below (sentence numbering is editorial): (a) the text of

There is another case where he is making use of a Blegywryd manuscript. At fol. Sv17 in a passage on the hospicia of the members of the court towards the end of the section on the entitlement of the penteulu, a cross has been inserted in the text and there is a faint marginal note on a damaged edge of the page

which seems to read hic deest 'here something is missing'.

Nothing more was

added, but when this manuscript was copied by Dr John Dee in Merton 323 he copied this marginal query and pursued it, and at the equivalent point (fol. 6r right margin, .Il 10-17; see Plate 8) in his manuscript copy he added the following (corresponding to the printed text in Llyfr Blegywryd, 10. 26-11. 9): Haec omissa sunt per interpretem quae tamen in Britanico textu habentur. Os si kynted heuyt i deila yn gynt nor Distein, y t r a i n hefyd a geiff. Y eistedua a uyd yn y tal issaf ir Neuad ar teulu y gyt ac ef. At yllaw asseu idaw at a drûs. Mab yr brenhin neu ney idau a dyly bot yn Benteulu.

Or gat y Brenhin n or teulu ar var gantaw hyt odis y Penntan; y Pennteulu bieu y wahaûd at gynhal y gyt ac ef, os myn. Ac ef bieu kymryt yr henuryat a vynho ar y

deheu. Ac arall ar y asseu. March yn wosseb a dyly y gan y Brenhin. Ranndeuvarch

14-24 (Cambridge, Corpus Christi 454)), (b) the text of

El (LTWL, 453.

Penarth 256 with all the annotations and corrections indicated as clearly as possibleb (cf. Plate 6), and (c) John Dee's fair copy in Merton 323 with the passages

underlined which derive from the glossingand corrections in Penarth 256. (a) El (LTWL, 453. 14-24) "De precio domorum

2Precium domus yemalis est:de qualibet furca que sustinet laquear, id est, nenbren, xx denarii.Pro nenbren xl denarii. "Si denudetur, tercia pars tocius domus redditur. SColumpne, bancce, ystlisseu, hinniogeu, gordrysseu, dupist, dor, quodlibet istorum ill

denarios legales ualet.Pro domoestiali xl denarii si comburatur. "Et notaquodcum cuiuslibet predictarum domorum precio et precium dampni rerum intus perditarum

redditur. $Precium auctumpnalis domus: xxiii denarii. 'Precium estiualis domus: xii denarii. I°Furce estiualis domus uel auctumpnalis: denarius legalis. I Dorghwid i denarii legales. 12C/wyr i denarius legalis.

idau or ebrann.

(b) E3 (Peniarth 256, fo. 16r-v) Daniel Huws has identified the quoted text as one of the Blegywryd redaction

*De precio demorum

and more specifically the text si closest to the reading of L which is known to have been in Dee's possession at some point as it contains a note in his hand (fol. 59).94

In sum, then, Edward Thelwall was annotating and correcting his text of the Redaction E of the Latin laws by reference to a Blegywryd manuscript similar


2Precium domus yemalis est: de qualibet furcaque sustinet laquear, id est, nenbren, xxx Beigkiau.i.

C e i n e i o net


to L or .J Precisely which manuscript it might have been is probably impossible to tell, partly because the annotations are always translated into Latin. One

denarii. Pro nenbren al denarii. "Si denudletur, tertia pars totiusdomus redditur.SEelumpne,

way of making progress on this would be to attempt to establish which of the

et Talbeigkiau et styffyleu et doreu et kynhor gordrysseu trothwy Tubyst quodlibet eorum iiid legal valet banece, ystlisseu, hinniogeu, gordryssew, dupist, eor, queenibet ini denarios legales.

relevant manuscripts might have been in the north in the second half of the

.i.. . . . . . i. ostia .i.


.i.ostiola .i. limen

sixteenth century. We know, for example, that Peniarth 3 1 (R) and Wynnstay 36 (Q), both of which are Blegywryd manuscripts and have the same arrangement of triads as L and J, belonged to Meredith Lloyd and were therefore in north Wales in the first half of the seventeenth century at least.95 It is possible that one of these came into the possession of Edward Thelwall in the later sixteenth

domorum precio et precium dampnumferumintuspredictarum [16v] redditur. *Preciuma

c e n t u r y.

evetumonalisdomus:xxili-denari. Precium-estiualisdomas:x id e n a r i .F u r e e estiualis

However, even allowing for the vagaries of translation, not all the major annotations in Peniarth 256 can be matched with a Blegywryd text of this type,

domus vel auetumpnalis: denarras legalis

and it raises the question of whether he had another text to hand as well. One passage is particularly suggestive. It concerns the value of buildings and parts 49 Huws, 'Texts', 136; Daniel Huws was not aware that Thelwall had already identified a gap ni the text.

. Lloyd, 'Meredith Lloyd', 151, 184. 59 N

precium domusautumpnalis 24d Si aliqua per teretrisperforetur Qua libet furca domusautumpnalis et aestivalis aliter 12d tantum valet

u n u m valet d e n a r i u m


Pro domo estiuali xldenarii si comburatur.

"Et nota quod cum cuiuslibet predictarum

omniumrerum i n t r apredictas domos



(c) E2 ( Merton 323, fols. 13'-14'; underlined passages derive from glosses in E3)


or a manuscript very closely related to it, must be a strong candidate for the

'Precium domus yemalis est: de qualibet furca que sustinet laquear, .i., nenbren, xxx d.

manuscript which Edward Thelwall had at his elbow. We also know that this manuscript was in north-east Wales in the sixteenth century and so

2Pro nenbren xxx denarii. 'Si denudetur, tertia pars totius domus redditur. *Beigkiav,

geographically close to Thelwall. On the first page of the text of the laws there is an ownership note of Jasper Griffith, dated 1600, and there is also a couplet

Talbeigkiau et stuffvleu et doreu et kynhor gordrysseu .i. ostiola trothwy .i. limen Tubust quodlibet istorum in denarioslegalesalet. Precium domus autumpnalis 24d. Si aliqua per terebro perforetur, aliter 12d tantumvalet. Prodomoestiuali12dquaelibet furcae domus

autumpnalis et aestivalisunumvaletdenarium. [14г] °Et nota quod cum cuiuslibet predictarum d o m o r u m precio et precium omnium rerum i n t r apredictas domos redditur.

Several observations may be made about this passage which are confirmed by Thelwall's practice elsewhere. There are a number of other examples in t h i stext

as well which suggest that, while he regarded the content of the Welsh texts to have priority, the language of the text should be Latin; for example, the section on 'nines' (de novenario), which in Cambridge, Corpus Christi 454, fol. 4712-9 =( LTWL, 495. 19-26; Peniarth 256, fol. 52г14-20), is in Welsh, was deleted as

of a cywvdd to St Anne. There are other instances of where Thelwall made use

of a Cyfnerth text ni Peniarth 256, for example, fol. 48-9=( LTWL, 440. 9) = Welsh Medieval Law, 25. 5-15, fol. 25v10-12 =( LTWL, 463. 23-4) = Welsh Medieval Law, 45. 9-11, fol. 26г8-9 (= LTWL, 464. 4) = Welsh Medieval Law, 45. 15-19. Though it is not possible to establish which version of Cyfnerth is being

used, as the text is more or less identical in all of them, the presumption is that he was making further use of X (or a manuscript closely related to it).

To sum up, the working practice of Edward Thelwall and his amanuenses seems to be as follows: a text is copied by his amanuenses, though Thelwall may

copy the first page or so. The text is then heavily annotated and glossed with reference to similar Welsh texts by Thelwall. In t h ecase of Peniarth 256 we can

identify at least two different sources of that annotation, a Blegywryd text of

there was no equivalent passage ni the Welsh text with which he was collating it.%

the L a n d J type and a Cyfnerth manuscript, probably X or a close copy or ancestor of i t .

to provide a Latin rendering a n d so he left a h o p e f u l . i . . . . . . . T h e last three

The Peniarth 434 version of the life of Gruffudd ap Cynan

In our text the list of parts of a building (which is partly in Latin, partly ni Welsh) is deleted and replaced by another similar list. However, where possible, a Latin gloss to the Welsh term is supplied, but in some instances he was unable sentences are deleted completely, presumably because he realized that he had already added this material a few lines earlier. The additional material is too

detailed and technical to have been created ab initio by Thelwall, and on the basis of what we have already seen of his working practices there is a strong presumption that he h a d another text to hand. The list of Welsh terms is our

best guide. Texts of the lowerth redaction do not have such a list. Blegywryd texts do have a similar list but differ ni the wording and order of items: for example, y colofneu, meinkeu, ystyffyleu, amhinogeu, trothwyeu, gordrysseu, tubyst, doreu . . . (Bleg 95. 5-13 (= Cyfreithiau Hywel Dda 83. 12-18)). Cyfnerth texts look more promising in that for the most part they have the same wording and order ofitems; as, for example, in the printed text: Ymeinkeu ar tal weinkeu ar ystyffyleu ar doreu ar kynhoreu ar gordrysseu are trothwyeu ar tubyst . (Welsh Medieval Law, 101. 19-21, printed from manuscript W (BL Cotton MS, Cleopatra A.xiv)). But the closest by far is the reading of X (BL Cotton MS, Cleopatra B.v (s. xivmed), fol. 219v4 6: ebeigkyeu ar talbeigkyeu ar ystyfyleu ar doreu ar kynhor ar gordrysseu ar trothwyeu ar tubyst. 7" Manuscript X, therefore, 69 It si otherwise only found ni LIWL 244. 34-245. 3(Lat B). 79 On X, see RMWL, I, i, 952, Huws, Medieval Welsh Manuscripts, 59,M.E. Owen, "The laws o fcourt from Cyfnerth', ni T. M . Charles-Edwards et al.(eds), The Welsh King andhis Court (Cardiff, 2000),426, Ovendon, 'Jaspar Gryffyth and his books', British Library Journal, 20(1994), 107-39: pp. 113, 118, 129.

The above discussion of the relationship between the manuscripts of Latin redaction E of the Welsh laws has clarified the modus operandi of Edward

Thelwall. In terms of layout, distribution and hands, Peniarth 434 is identical with Peniarth 256. Manuscripts such as C o t t o nVitellius C.ix (version B) and

Llanstephan 150 (version D) seem to be fair copies.° The question now concerns the underlying text of the manuscript. Among the manuscripts of

Latin redaction E the underlying text of Peniarth 256 has survived in Cambridge, Corpus Christi 454. But, as far as is known, the underlying text of Peniarth 434 is not extant, and therefore the manuscript deserves closer scrutiny in order to establish the precise nature of the text and of its glossing and annotation.

(a) The underlying text Three examples of increasing complexity may allow us to develop a view of the

nature of this underlying text. The first consists of a single line of text. When William Rufus entered Gwynedd and carried out a systematic devastation and 89 See above, p. 11-15.





pillaging of the country, the underlying text of the Peniarth 434 version

Normannis, Meiliricus filius Riwallani cum Powisianis, et Trahaernus Rex cum suis

comments in good Old Testament style: . . . ut ne canem quidem a dparietem mingentem relinqueret (p. 38. 5-6 (§25/1 below)) 'so that he might not leave even

etiam Arustlianis.

a dog pissing against a wall'. In Kings and Samuel ad parietem mingentes is used to refer to males and in particular to the slaughter of all males in contexts of complete devastation.* The further touch that not even male dogs were left alive strikingly emphasizes the level of destruction wreaked by William. However,

the Old Testament allusion was removed by Thelwall who deleted ad parietem mingentem and added ullum vivum above, producing an appreciably blander clause, 'so that he might not leave even a dog alive. Rather than attributing this to an over-sensitive sense of propriety, his correction matches the Middle Welsh text exactly: hyt na bei en vyw kemeint a chi s o that there was not left alive so

much as a dog' (HGK, 22. 14 = MPW, 74. 30-1). The suspicion si immediately aroused by this one example that Thelwall had a copy of the Welsh text beside

him and was correcting the main text of Peniarth 434 by reference to it, exactly as he had been doing with the Latin law texts. When in 1081, just before the battle of Mynydd Carn, Gruffudd is negotiating with Rhys ap Tewdwr for his support, he asks him who his oppressors are and

Rhys replies in the following way (the text is reproduced first from Peniarth 434 with all the annotations and deletions in place; the second version is the fair copy from Cotton Vitellius C.ix)

Auditis vero nominibus corum, qui Rhesi patriam tanta clade affecerunt, ira indignationeque exaestuans Griffinus quaerit ab co quodnam illi laboris praemium constitueret, si contra illos eius hostes secum bellum gereret.

We may note characteristic features of Edward Thelwall's technique, particularly the replacement of Welsh with Latin; f o rexample, Gwenta vch coet et is coet is replaced by Gwenta quae supra et infra sylvam sita est; cum habitantibus Arwystli by cum suis etiam Arustlianis. Another tendency is to fill out the more laconic Latin phrases; for example, oppressorum is replaced by eorum qui Rhesi patriam tanta clade affecerunt; or to improve the style by using a compound verb, for example, exaestuans for aestuans. However, there are some more

substantive additions: while in the underlying text Rhys talks of his three oppressors as Caradog from Gwent, the natives of Morgannwg together with the Normans, una cum Normannis (the last phrase has been expanded to cum

plurimis alis ballistariis Normannis), and Trahaearn, the additions merge the inhabitants of Morgannwg into the men supporting Caradog and then bring in Meilyr ap Rhiwallon and the men of Powys; these last do not figure in the base text at all.

The corresponding section of Middle Welsh text is presented below and ti is immediately clear that the substantive additions (underlined below) are to be

found in the Welsh text and were probably taken from there by Thelwall,

(i) Peniarth 434, p. 24. 8-14 ( S1719-10 below) ( Plate 2) quae supra et infrasylvam sita est

satellitibus suis

Caradocus (inquit ille) filius Griftini de Gwenta vehreeet et si coet, cum asseelissuis;incolae de

cum plurimis alis ballistaris

Meiliricusfilius Riwallanicum Powisianis et cum suis etiam

Morgannwe vnaeura- Normannis e tTraho*rnus Rex cum haoitantibus Arwestli. Auditis vero Trahaernus rex eorum qui Rhesi patriam tanta cladeaffecerunt ab eo

nominibus eppressorum ira indignationeque aestuans Griffinusquaerit quodnam illi laboris illos eius hostes bellum gereret

premium constitueret, s icontra hostes-erus oppugnaret.

translated, and added to our text: 'Caradauc m. Grufud', hep enteu, o* Went Uch Coet ac is Coet a'e Wenhvyssyon, a gyr Morgannve, a llawer o albryswyr Nordmannyeit gantav; Meilirm .Riwallauna'e Bowyswyr gantav, Trahaearn vrenhin a gwyr Arwystli. A phan gigleu Gruffud enw y ormeswyr, froeni o gyndared a oruc, a govyn idav pa beth a rodei er emlad drostaven erbyn y gwyr henne. (HGK, 14. 8-15 = MPW, 66. 29-67. 2).

The third and final example is the section recounting the battle of Mynydd Carn fought in 1081. The text is edited in full below ($18), and Plate 3 is an image of the latter part of this section but a number of instances of variation are selected and discussed here. The evidence is presented below (Thelwall's

(it) Cotton Vitellius C.ix,fol. 137r-v (the underlined sections indicate what has

emendation may be assumed to replace the reading of VGC unless preceded by

been incorporatedf r o m Thelwall's corrections):

+ in which case it is an addition to the VGC text):

Caradocus (inquit ille) filius Griffini de Gwenta infra sylvam sita est, cum satellitibus suis, incolis de Morgannwe, cum plurimis alis balistaris, et

9 For furtherdiscussion and the biblical references, see the notes to VGC below at $25/1. For further insular examples, see Dumville, 'Celtic-Latin texts in northern England', Celtica, 12 (1977). 24-6.




VGC$ 18

Thelwall's emendation


HGK reading (HGK, 14.

that it is the grave of a warrior. In this instance, it looks as if an error may have

20-16. 26 = MPW, 67. 9-69. 16)

crept in during the transmission of the Welsh text: our Latin text would translate into Welsh as cladwyt trysor or the like, but all the extant Welsh texts

(a) 18/1 armisque allis

plurimisque Venedotis

(b) 18/4 advesperascit

+ et l u xdefectura

a llawer o Wyndit

a'r dyd ysyd yn trengi

(c) 18/7 cuspidibus ferentes

+ cultellata


early misreading (or indeed mishearing) of cladwyt trysor a scladwyt rysswr; fi

(d) 18/7 conspiciunt

+ et hastatos scutatosque

a'r Gwyndyt gleiuyauc tareanauc

so, it presents us with valuable evidence for a stage of transmission of the Welsh text before the archetype of all the extant Welsh texts.


(e) 18/9 ni quo ne filius quidem patri pepercit

cuius famam post parentum mortem longe celebrabunt

ac ena y bu vrwyder dirvaur y chof y'r etiued wedy eu ryeni

fi l i

(f) 18/11 subiugarent

(g) 18/14 persequitur (h) 18/15 Rhesus subduxit

pugnarent sibique cedere

e ndwyssav en wychyr,ac eu


gelynyon en darestung udunt a'e hemlynvs wynteu . . . ac en hyt

et per totum diem posterum adeo acriter persecutus est + ne periculum proditionis a Griffino sibi intenderetur

e dyd drannoeth

have cladwt rysswr (HGK, 16. 15 = MPW, 69. 2-3), perhaps as a result of an

It seems clear then that the modus operandi of Edward Thelwall was to

annotate the Latin text before him in such a way as to bring it into line with the Welsh text. As with the text of the Latin laws, the content of the Welsh text had priority but Latin was the language of preference. It is not surprising, therefore, that fair copies of this work look like translations o f t h eWelsh text. In one sense

that is indeed what they are, but they were not created by the usual process of

ofynhav brat o barthretGruffudd

sitting down with the Welsh text and a blank sheet of paper and translating ti

a oruc Rys

(i) 18/17 lapidum ingens cumulus +Garnedd

into Latin; they have rather arisen out of a modification of a pre-existing Latin

Sef yu henne menyd e garned

() 18/17 sub quo thesauros absconditos olim opinantur (k) 18/20 susceptus regebat

a dan er honn y cladwt rysswr yg kynnoessoed gynt

text. Several questions then arise. Just as we can identify the Welsh text that Thelwall was using to annotate his Latin law text, is it possible to establish

heroem aliquem multisantea

seculis sepeliri ferunt reversus est ut eam quietam et

y'u medu ac y'u thagneuedu

pace felicem redderet ac gubernaret

which version of the Welsh text of HGK he was using? Secondly, and more

importantly for this volume, what can be established about the nature of the underlying Latin text and its relationship to the Welsh text?

A little progress can be made on the first question but largely negatively. It is It is immediately clear that most of the changes and additions to the base text match the Welsh text. The modifications fall into a number of categories: in (b) an d (c) the base text is a u g m e n t e d but not deleted; in (e) and (j) the base text is

deleted and replaced by a different phrase; in (f), (g), (h) and (k) a short phrase, in some cases a single word, is deleted and replaced by a much longer phrase. However, in (a) the text is altered and in (d) text is added, but the alterations are more substantive than in the other instances; in both cases the men of Gwynedd, who are otherwise in the underlying text absent from the battle of Mynydd Carn, are added by Thelwall so that the text matches the factualdetails of the Welsh text. In (i) the n a m e Garnedd is added to describe the lapidum

ingens cumulus; however, the plural montes is used to describe the locality in VGC in contrast to the singular Menyd Carn of the Welsh text (HGK, 16. 14 = MPW, 68. 37). In some instances, adherence to the Welsh text results in the deletion of phrases of arguably greater literary merit than the replacements; for example, in (e) a battle in which not even a son spared his father (in quo n efilius quidem patri pepercit) seems much more savage with its connotations of civil

almostcertainly the case that he was not using Penarth 17 since, where there is

any difference in the reading between Peniarth 17 and the rest, he has a reading corresponding to the rest. 00 For example, at $6/2 the base text reads Slanias the name of the mother of Auloed, but Thelwall corrects ti to Alam, the reading of all the other versions of HGK but not thatof Peniarth 17, which has Slani. Any

furtherprogress can only depend on likelihoods. There is some evidence that Edward Thelwall made a copy of HGK at Plas y Ward ni 1570 or 1574, and ti is quite possible that this was the copy at his elbow when he was editing our

manuscript. 10 That manuscript is now lost, though the Thelwall manuscript (NLW 13211) seems to be derived from it. 102 As regards the nature of the underlying Latin text, in the analysis of three samples of text it has emerged that, in some episodes more than others, the base Latin text differs substantially from the Welsh version. It is also a little shorter: the text of VGC edited here is some 6,200 words long: 103 the Latin fair

copies, which are ni effect translations of the Welsh text, are about 6,900 long. This represents an expansion of some 10 per cent, though the degree of

war than a war which will be remembered by sons long after the death of their parents (cuius famam post parentum mortem longe celebrabunt filii), the

replacement clause carried over from the Welsh text. A particularly interesting example of variation is found ni ( concerning what lies beneath the carn or carnedd. Our text states that there is hidden treasure but the Welsh text holds

10 See Figure ,1 above. 10 HGK, pp. cclix, cclxvi, n. 66, celxxii-celxxii, celxxxviii.

102 HGK, pp. cclxxxviiicclxxxix. 103 The figure includes the sectionsof text imported from Cotton Vitellius C.ix to fill thegaps where t e x thas been lost from Peniarth 434;see below, p. 50, for details.





variation is greater since in many cases the changes involved deletion of the


outlined in the preceding paragraph a stage further back in the line of trans-

original text.

mission. A possible stemma, as presented in Figure 5 , highlights some of the

Several possibilities may be considered. The first is that it is indeed a translation of the extant Welsh text but executed badly. Thelwall's changes would

problems with this approach, in particular the complexity of the process of

then be regarded as corrections, bringing ti back into line with the original. But even a poor translation would bear some relation to the Welsh, however incorrect. Poor translations might even omit sections, but the systematic omission of clauses, phrases, words goes far beyond that. In addition, a poor translation would rarely come up with totally different phrasing and grammatical structures; more commonly, a translation is poor by reason of its slavish adherence to the phrasing and structure of the original. Furthermore, there are many instances where the text is so different that it cannot be even a poor rendering of the Welsh; see, for example, several instances in the passage quoted above on the battle of Mynydd Carn ($18). If it is a rendering of a Welsh text, then it must have been a very different Welsh text to the extant version. It should also be pointed out that, even fi it were a translation, it was done further back in the manuscript tradition. The Latin text preserved in Peniarth 434 i sa copy in that

translation to and fro between Latin and Welsh. A specific problem is that there seems to be no evidenceof a traditionof translating texts from Welsh into Latin between the mid-thirteenth century, when our evidence begins, and t h esixteenth

century, and so the creation of L? would probably have to be relatively late. 601 Fig 5 A stemma to show how Peniarth 434 might derive from a different Welsh text (L' = the original Latin text; L? = a secondary Latin text; WI = the first (now lost) Welsh text; W? = the achetype of the extant Welsh texts.)

[translation from L to W]


[translation from W to L]

it contains clear evidence of copying errors, for example, $1712 Theodrex (for

Theodwr rex); $18/3 ÷* ex numero vix, etc. Furthermore, it is clear that the exemplar from which the scribe was working was not totally legible. In a

number of places he has simply given up on the text and left a gap (indicated in


L? Peniarth 17

the edition below by < >) which was sometimes filled subsequently by Thelwall by reference to the Welsh version. 104

Another, admittedly less likely, possibility is that the Welsh text is a straight

translation of the original Latin, but our text represents a cut-down and modified

16* century Wversions

P e n i a r t h 4 3 4a n do t h e r


However. it is far from clear that there is any rationale for the

It is a good deal simpler and more economical, involving postulation of fewer intermediate stages, to suppose that Peniarth 434 represents a copy of the original Latin composition (see Figure 6 overleaf). If so, the process of translation would

modification. For example, ti is difficult to imagine that, in a text originating from Gwynedd and whose transmission, both in the Welsh and Latin versions,

also involve expansion and modification; models to consider might perhaps be the relationship between the Latin and Welsh lives of St David, or the reworking

Latin version, subsequently expanded again by Edward Thelwall to match the Welsh text.

is restricted to Gwynedd, the men of Gwynedd would be written out of the battle of Mynydd Carn; it is far more likely that they were originally not present but were a d d e d at a later stage.

of parts of Imborth yr Enaid from Hugo of St Victor's De Fructibus Carnis et Spiritus.°7 One advantage of this approach is that we are not put in the position

of postulating the existence of an intermediate, unattested Welsh text.

A third possibility is that our Latin text is a translation of a different Welsh text which has not survived. That text would have been a little shorter and

perhaps not s o focused on Gwynedd. The process of polishing and expansion of

(b) Misunderstandings ni HGK, clarified in VGC

the Welsh text would then be similar to the kind of process seen in the different

The last hypothesis can be supported in a number of ways. One approach is to

versions of Peredur105 However, in effect, that simply pushes the difficulties

consider cases where the Latin text is clearer than the Welsh text and it appears

104 Se $$8/3, 9/1 (bis), 9/2, 10/1, 11/2 (bis), 13/3, 14/18, 15/5, 18/1 (bis), 18/5, 18/20 (bis), 21/2, 22/2,

106 The translation of law texts from Welsh into Latin, as evidenced in the Blegywryd redaction,

23/17, 24/1, 25/1, 25/5 (bis), 29/1, 31/5, 33/5, 34/3. For the system of reference to the text, see below, p. 50. In most cases, no more than a word seems to be missing, and so they do not seriously affect thecomparison of the lengths of the texts above (p. 29) . W . Thomas 105 Cf. P. W. Thomas, 'Cyberthynas y pedair fersiwn ganoloesol', ni S. Davies and P

from the surviving medieval text and the later copies which seem to begin in the late sixteenth century at the earliest; see, for examples, the discussionson manuscripts ni LIWL. 107 Rhigyfarch's Life of St David, pp. xxix-xli; The Welsh Life ofSt David,pp. xxxix-lix; Ymborthyr

(eds), Canhwyll Marchogyon (Cardiff, 2000), 10 43

predates our earliest manuscript evidence, and there is a marked gap ni the manuscript evidence

Enaid, pp. xliv-1.




Fig 6 A stemma to show how Peniarth 434 might b e a descendant of the original

Latin text of the Life of Gruffudd ap Cynan (L' = the original Latin text; WI = the archetype of the extant Welsh texts.)

Baronum vel similitudinem ducum, qui in aliam Galliae partem Britanniam, vel

Wallice Lydaw dictam, olim advenerant 'They divided this region into twelve parts, according to the number of "barons", or like the leaders who had formerly arrived in another part of Gaul, namely Brittany, or in Welsh Llydaw'. The Welsh

text has merged the two explanations: herwyd y barwnyeit a'r tywyssogyon.

'according to the barons and leaders' (HGK, .4 9 = MPW, 56. 19-20). It si

[translation + expansion]

possible that the confusion arose because in the exemplar used for the Welsh translation an abbreviation for vel was used, perhaps for uf. Another confusion involving vel occurs at $10/6 but here the confusion has possibly arisen in the

Welsh text: the Latin text has Gruffudd going off either to Robert of Rhuddlan

Peniarth 17

Peniarth 434

or to Hugh of Chester, Griffinus rursum per mare iter arripit vel versus castrum Rudlan versus Robertum Baronem nobilem et potentem, vel ad Hugonem 16th-century W versions

Comitem Cestriae, but theWelsh text has Robert as the nephew of Hugh, nei i Huvarll Caer (HGK, 7. 15-16). Here there may have been a scribal confusion in an early version of the Welsh text between nei 'nephew' and neu 'or'.

that the Welsh text has misunderstood the Latin text or failed to carry over details of the Latin sometimes because the grammar of Middle Welsh cannot render the Latin with sufficient precision of reference. The latter can occur in relative clauses where the Middle Welsh structures do not mark the antecedent

as precisely as it is possible to do in Latin; for example, at $4/1 qui e Scotiagenus ducebat 'who derived his ancestry from Scotland' must refer to King Olaf of Dublin, the maternal grandfather of Gruffudd, while the Welsh version a hanoed gynt o deyrnas Prydein is open to various interpretations depending on

what si regarded as the antecedent of the relative a. 108 Similarly, at §5/1 the Welsh text is unclear as to whether Alanus is one of Harald's brothers or brother to

the king, Harald's father, . . . Harald Harfa*gyr d'e deu vroder yn veibeon y vrenhin Llychlyn. Ac Alyn y vrawt . . . 'Harald Haarfa*ger and his two brothers were sons

of the king of Llychlyn. And Alyn his brother' (HGK, .3 1-2 = MPW, 55. 10-11). But the Latin has cuius fratrem where the relative should refer to the

closest masculine singular noun, namely the king of Llychlyn; the onlydoubt over this example is that cuius fratrem has been lost from Peniarth 434 through damage to the edge of the page and is restored from Cotton Vitellius C.ix, but there is only space for two words and there is no indication of amendment by Thelwall. 109 Another structure which seems to cause difficulty is the use of vel 'or'. At

$5/10 the Latin text provides two explanations of how Normandy was divided into twelve parts: Han regionem in duodecim partes sunt partiti ad numerum 108 For further discussion, see the notes on $4/1. 109 For further discussion, see the notes on $5/1 where the consequences of thesedifferent

interpretations are considered. Cf. also $33/3 for anotherexample of where a relative clause inthe Latin text has been less than clearly rendered ni the Welsh, and $6/4 where the relevant Latin text has been lost at the top of a damaged page, butthe later copies are suggestive.

A misunderstanding of a Latin technical term seems to lie behind $32/2 where Henry pays his allies, the king of Scotland, the Scots and the southern Welsh out of his treasury to support his attack on Gwynedd; the term used is erogando but this is understood as dwyn ganthaw 'take with him' rather than in its technical sense. A striking example of how the Latin text is clearer than the Welsh is at §12/6 where the location of the battle of Gwaederw is described as in loco vallis Kyning.

The Welsh version read this as yg glynn kyving, 'in a narrow glen' (HGK, 9. 4-5

= MPW, 61. 16-17), taking Kyning as the Welsh adjective cyfyng. It would be

possible to take Kyning in VGC as an error for Kyuing, but the text does not use

Welsh in this way; ti always translates and explains it, and furthermore the - and the usage of ni loco vallis ... clearly suggests that spelling with a capital K the author is thinking in terms of a place name. If so, the text presents us with a possible location for the battle. 110 Another aspect which is clarified is the status of Gellan. In the Welsh text his

status si ambiguous as he is called telynor pencerdd (HGK, 21. 14 = MPW, 73. 34-5) which could mean 'harpist to the pencerdd, but VGC cytharaedus,

penkerd ($23/16) makes it clear thatpenkerd si glossing cytharaedus.!! (c) Comparison of factual details in VGC and HGK

Another approach is to examine some of the factual details missing from our

text ni relation to the Welsh text and also vice versa, instances where our text has details which are missing ni the Welsh text, and to consider whether they

are more likely to have been deleted (if this Latin text is a later adaption) or to

have been added subsequently in the Welsh version. A general feature of this 10 For a suggested location, see the noteson $12/6. II See J. E. C. Williams, 'Meilyr Brydydd and Gruffudd ap Cynan', ni Maund, Gruffudd ap Cynan, 169.





Latin text si that it seems to be less focused on Gwynedd than the Welsh text.112

evidence is that which shows spelling features which are not characteristic of

For example, as we have seen above, the men of Gwynedd are not at Mynydd

the later period. Among the central vowels, the later pattern would be to use y for the reduced vowel /a/ and for the central //; occasional use of i is probably regarded as an older spelling, for example, Kelliniauk (§21/1) beside Kelynnawk (§12/1), Evyonid (S23/10) beside Eivionyd (§31/2). Note also the early useof e for lei/ in Evyonid (S23/10). The spelling -aw- is regular in unaccented syllables in this text even though by the fourteenth century the vowel had been reduced to lol, for example, Meiriawn ($10/3), etc. but cf. also Rhiwallon ($10/2). Among the fricatives, /v/ was by the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries regularly spelt ,f

Carn (§818/1, 18/7); at $10/2 the Welsh text si only concerned about the

depredations of Trahaearn and Cynwrig upon Gwynedd, while in the Latin text the sentence begins by talking about Wales as a whole; at §22/8, when Gruffudd has escaped from prison and is careering around Gwynedd, he is described as quasi erro quidam 'like a runaway slave',

perhaps conjuring up

images of Spartacus, but this simile is not used ni the Welsh text; at §25/3 William Rufus is cutting down forests and thus depriving the imbecilliores 'the incapacitated' of shelter, but in the Welsh text these people are described simply as Gwundyt (HGK, 22. 16); at $31/1 the bishop of Bangor is not named, but he is identified as Erfyn (Hervé) in the Welsh text (HGK, 28. 4-5). Since, as can be seen from the discussion of the manuscripts, the manuscript tradition of this

though in the medieval period it was only common in final position; the f spelling only occurs once, Sandef ($23/2), and that in final position; elsewhere in

this text the regular spelling is v, for example, Arvon (§21/2, 23/10), Meivot (834/4), etc. The later spelling of the dental fricative /ö/ was dd but that only

text, both in Latin and in Welsh, is firmly located in Gwynedd, it seems unlikely

occurs twice ni our text, Bleddyn ($12/4, 26/9), Merwydd (8821/1, 14/1); the

that details about Gwynedd would have been removed from the text in the

usual spelling is d, for example, Kyndelo ($18/1), Arllechwed ($31/2), though there is one example of t, Rutlan (§16/2), and two of th, Meredith ($26/5) and Meirionyth (§21/1). As for the dental stop /d/, the regular spelling would have been d, and our text frequently has that, but the t spelling is very common, especially in final position, forexample, Llwyt(§14/7), Dinieuyt ($23/9), Angharat

course of transmission and translation. However, the converse seems a much

more plausible account, that a sharper Gwynedd focus was added ni the course of the translation of a Latin text on the life of Gruffudd ap Cynan which seemed to keep activities in Gwynedd at arm's length. (d) The orthography of the names in VGC Consideration of the orthography of the Welsh names might be of some help,

even though we have to take into account that some of the names may have been modernized in the course of the transmission of the Latin text. The

question is whether some or any of the orthographical patterns in the Welsh names can be regarded as plausible twelfth-century spellings. A breakdown of the orthography of the names is presented ni Appendix 1; all the Welsh names attested in Peniarth 434 have been considered, omitting any names which only occur in the sections from Cotton Vitellius C.ix or in the later annotation. In

the following discussion, the evidence of the genealogical section ($2) has been

(824/1), and almost certainly represents a preservation of an early spelling pattern. The patterns outlined in this paragraph are consistent with what is known of the systems of orthographyprevalent in north Wales in t h ethirteenth century; we know virtually nothing about the orthography of Welsh in north Wales in the twelfth century. However, it is striking that, where one can penetrate t h eorthography of a thirteenth-century manuscript and see aspects of the orthography of its exemplar, it can appear remarkablyarchaic; forexample, the exemplar of parts of the Black Book of Chirk (NLW, Peniarth MS, 29) seems to have been written in an orthography which, in some respects at least

resembles the orthography of Old Welsh.* In such an orthography the use of i

for central vowels, v for /vl, d or t for /ö/, and t for -/d/ would not be out of place. The orthography of the Welsh names in Peniarth 434, then, shows a

set aside since it is most likely to have been influenced by other sources; while it

mixed pattern but it is consistent with a manuscript c o m p o s e d in the twelfth

seems to preserve some relatively old spellings, we cannot tell whether they are original to this text or brought into it from other genealogical material. 3 It might be argued that the nature of the evidence, being only names, means that there might be a tendency towards archaism anyway. Even so, it seems worth

century and then undergoing modernization of its orthography in the course of transmission over the intervening period.

considering the evidence from the non-genealogical sections. As might be expected, the evidence is very mixed and it seems likely that the names have been

modernized at various stages in the course of transmission.

The important

12 For further details on the examples mentioned below, see the notes to the sections of text cited. . Sims-Williams, 'Historical need and literary narrative', WHR, 17 (1994) 20-6; P . E. 13 See P Thornton. 'The genealogy of Gruffudd ap Cynan', ni Maund, Gruffudd ap Cynan, 82-7

(e) The Latinity of VGC

Another way of looking at the text of VGC in Peniarth 434 is to consider its Latinity.At this stage of the argument, this is not so much to demonstrate that 14 P . Russell,

'Scribal (in)competence ni thirteenth-century north Wales', NLWJ, 29 (1995-6),

129-76, forother examples, see also P. Russell, 'Whatdid medievalWelshscribes do?The scribe of the Dingestow Court manuscript', CMCS, 37 (Summer 1999), 79-96.




the text cannot be sixteenth century in origin or conversely cannot be medieval, but rather to explore how, if at all, we might be able to detect modification of the text which has occurred in the later stages of transmission. However, we should

bear in mind that comparison with sixteenth-century texts may be beside the point, as it is clear that the exemplar of the underlying text of Peniarth 434 was in places difficult to read to the extent that the copyist left gaps; IS some of those gaps were subsequently filled by Thelwall either by recovering more of the text from the exemplar or by reference to the Welsh text. If what he was transcribing was either a relatively recent composition or a recent copy, we

would not expect the exemplar to be illegible, unless some specific damage had occurred to it.

It may be useful to begin with a brief sketch of the Latinity of VGC. The overall impression is of a strong, powerful narrative which seems relatively simple and uncomplicated stylistically. There is little complex subordination. The narrative moves forward often by asimple pattern of ablative absolutes (or occasional cum-clauses) and main verbs. very often with subsequent action


following on from inhumanius afflictos is not without irony. On a larger scale, the paratactic structure is very effective in narrating the sudden, unexpected

and fast-moving nature of Gruffudd's rescue: iuvenis quidam Eiderniensis Kynwricus Hir nomine una cum sodalico modico Cestriam veniens ad necessaria comenda, conspicit forte in palatio civitatis vinctum suum regem, quem in amplexibus abreptumclam e civitate subduxit, iterque in patriam vespere conatur, civibus iam caenantibus,atque domi apud se tacitus diebus nonnullis aluit ($22/1)

Here the basic structure is veniens . . conspicit (note the delay of the object regem) . .. quem . .. subduxit . .. iterque. .conatur . ..atque . .. aluit, and the

process is marked by the historic presents but ending with the perfect to indicate the successful conclusion. In other cases, the rhetorical force is even greater: at the battle of Mynydd Carn the opposing kings are terrified at the sight of G r u ff u d d ' s forces:

terrore ingenti continentur reges, stupentque dum copias Griffin faeroces, constipata

marked by gerunds ni the ablative or present participles. For example, Harald Harfa*gyr's conquest of Ireland is described by a present participle and a pair of pluperfect main verbs followed by a pair of gerunds (the structural elements are underlined): Verum non multo antea Haraldus Harfa*gyr exercitum ducens

We may note the emphatic position of terrore, the framing of reges by the two

copiosum eam erat

ingressus, totamque Hyberniam pertransierat summa

main verbs, but in particular the ascending climax of the description of the

crudelitate incolas mactando fugandoque ($5/6). 16 Participles can be used

forces which gradually becomes more detailed and more terrifying, possibly reflecting the increasingdetail which would become visible as ti approached.18 The ascending climax of the last example is a feature which is widespread in

similarly: audito tanto belli apparatu < > in occursum Griffinus copias totius

principatus collegit, < > ni angustiis viarum insidias collocans, in quas subito incideret a montibus descendens exercitus ($25/5), where collocans is used to describe the action following on from the main verb collegit; we may also note in passing the striking word order of the final relative clause, with the subject

militum agmina, splendentia vexilla, Danos bipennibus armatos, Hybernos iacula ferreis cuspidibus ferentes conspiciunt. (§18/7).

the text, particularly in the form of an ascending tricolon. When Trahaearn hears of the approach of Gruffudd's fleet, he is overcome: qui audito classis regiae adventu, cepit tristitia affici, suspiria alta ducere, timore et tremore

delayed until the end of the sentence. 117

contabescere ($15/3), and his distress is well captured by the ascending tricolon

The narrative is frequently paratactic in that within a sentence the action moves forward by a series of parallel clauses rather than by subordination,

with the alliteration of the final part. Similarly, when Gruffudd leads an assault on the Norman castles on Anglesey, the Normans are described as Francos

often concluding ni a rhetorical climax; a good example is the fate of those

servants kidnapped with Gruffudd who are sent on their way but not without some brutal treatment: famulos vero eius tum etiam captos, amputatis singulorum

pollicibus dextris, inhumanius afflictos, liberos dimiserunt ($19/6); the liberos IS l See above, p. 30. 16 Cf. also $9/2 monstrando . . . petendo, $1214 expectando, $1218 comprecando, $23/3pugnando, $26/11 persequendo, $29/6 mulctando, $30/4 consolando, $31/6 gubernando, $32/1 erogando, $35/2 benedicendo.

17 For the editing conventions and an explanation of < ,> see p. 50. Cf. also $5/6 ducens, $5/9 deducens, $1214 precurrens, $1218 afferens, $14/10 insidens, §1512 acquiescens, $17/10 aestuans, $19/5 adhibens, $21/1 adducens, $2211 veniens, $22/5 pergens, $25/6 reformidans, $27/1 appropinquans, §3217 ductans, $3219 metuens, $34/1 cogitans. Another feature of note ni VGC si the use of ab + ablative absolute in $10/6 ab hac congressione sic finita, $18/15 ab hoc bello terribili fortiter per G r i f fi n u m c o n f e c t o .

loricatos, galeatos bipennibusque armatos (§23/5). Later in the same passage the beseiged Normans are described in terms of ascending phrases: Franci obsessie muris, praesidis, et turribus in eos iacula torserunt, sagittas emiserunt, saxa deiecerunt, alisque sese instrumentis defensitarunt (S23/12). The tricolon of defensive places is followed by four successive main verbs which between them encompass all possible means o f defence.

The rhythm of the language is also the product of a very competent Latinist. For example, heavy endings are a marked feature of this text, and, while they

Il8 This passage si discussed by Davies, 'Sixteenth-century Latin translation', 162-4. Although he si using

the version preserved in G, a number of his comments are still valid, especially his point about the

chiastic order of the elements ni copias Griffinifaeroces, constipata militum agmina. Asexamplesof paratactic structure, compare also t h edescriptionof Gruffuddrebuilding Gwynedd ($33/2).





do not always correspond to perfect classical clausulae, they nevertheless give

When we turn to other late eleventh- and twelfth-century writers, similar narrative

sections of the narrative a powerful sense of beginning and ending; s e e , for example, $5/1 inter preliandum interfecit, $5/5 in Hyberniam pervenisse, §8.1 prophetasse dicitur, etc., and especially combined with patterns of alliteration, for example, $213 series sequitur, $15/3 timore et tremore contabescere. 120 On a larger scale, it is striking that, although the division into sections in the edition follows that of HGK, these largely keep to the paragraph division of the

patterns can be identified. A particularly good example is the death of Hugh, earl of Shrewsbury, at the hands of King Magnus, an episode found in VGC, the Brutiau and related texts, Giraldus Cambrensis, and in various Old Norse sources. 122 The description in Giraldus Cambrensis is fuller and more detailed but it uses the same style of fast moving narrative:

manuscript and there can be a real sense of climax at the end of a section of the narrative. It may be marked in a number of ways; some sections end with a

ferro fideliter esset indutus, tamen dextro percussus in lumine, perforato cerebro, in

biblical analogy, for example, $19/7 (a New Testament quotation, Matthew 26.31, after the kidnap of Gruffudd), $21/3 (help from God in answer the prayers of the people), $25/9 (Gruffudd restraining his ferocity like David towards Saul), §31/8 (the people of Gwynedd returning like the Israelites from Babylon). In some cases, the section ends on a rhetorical crescendo; for example, after the betrayal of Gruffudd at the battle of Bron yr Erw, there is a rhetorical lament beginning Nemo miretur has humanarum rerum vicissitudines, ut interdum

vincere, interdum fugere sit necesse . . . ($14/13) which ni an ascending tricolon

goes on to compare his fate with three great figures who suffered betrayal at the hands of their own people, ludas Maccabaeus, Julius Caesar and, coming closer to home, last but not least, Arthur (§14/14-18). At the battle over the castle at Aberlleiniog ($23/15-17), Gruffudd's pencerdd Gellan falls and is

given, as it were, a prose marwad beginning quanta scientiarum varietate,

quanto eloquentiae splendore perpolitum esse oporteret . . . in which the author in high rhetorical style laments his own lack of skill in praising him, though he admits that he would fail even if he had the eloquence of Cicero or the poetical

Et quanquam comes a vertice capitis usque ad talum pedis, p r a t e r oculos suos solum, mare corruit moribundus. 123

Again, fi we turn to Rhigyfarch's life of St David, similar narrative patterns

can be discerned; in the following extract from a miracle performed by St Aidan the pattern of present participles and ablative absolutes is particularly striking: alio autem tempore dum sanctus Aidanus, eius discipulus, casu quodam ad firmandum

doctrine acceptum foris legeret, monasterii affuit prepositus, imperans ei ut ad deportanda de ualle ligna, acceptis duobus bubus, iniret. Erat enim silua in longinquo posita. Discipulus autem Aidanus citius dicto oboediens, nec librum claudendi moram accipiens, siluam petit. Paratis autem lignis, iumentisque impositis, regrediens uiam carpit. 124 However, the contrast with sixteenth-century writers of Latin from Wales is

more striking. 125 The impact of the Renaissance on Wales saw a marked increase in interest in the classical world a n d in classical texts. W r i t e r sof this

period tended to seek to emulate classical prose writers, and especially Cicero. The result was a tendency to write long, complex sentences with frequent

genius ofHomer. The most striking example comes at the point in the narrative

subordination; ablative absolutes are relatively rare, being replaced by full

where Gruffudd has finally seen off all his enemies and Henry has retreated for

subordinate clauses. This is well brought out in the long, complex periods of writers such as John Prise; the following example, a single sentence from his Historiae Brytanicae Defensio (1573), considers the possibility that Ulysses and other voyagers reached Britain:

the last time (§32/10-12). In a highly rhetorical tricolon marking the end of his troubles, repeating quoties and non potuerunt, he lists his vanquished opponents, each one ending the clause ni emphatic position: O Deus bone, quoties Griffinum subvertere conati sunt comites, ac n o npotuerunt.

At vt Vlissem sic et alios simili vel errore, vel novas terras indagandistudio ductos, hanc

Quoties tentarunt Powisiae incolae, at non potuerunt. Quoties aggressi sunt fallacis Trahaerni fautores, at nonpotuerunt. 2

insulam statim a navigi vsu reperto adisse, nec tam veremet temperatam, incultam

911 For a useful discussion of clausulae, es G . Orlandi, 'Clausulae ni Gildas' De Excidio Britanniae ni M. Lapidge and D. Dumville (eds), Gildas (Woodbridge, 1984), 129 49.

021 Cf. also $9/1 tyrannus possideret, §12/2 oppressorem depugnarent, $1219 ni domino gubernare, $13/4 fortunae congratulabantur, $14/18 resistere potuerunt, $16/1 ni Venedotia pullularunt, $18/11 decurrisse putarentur, $18/19 nec ecclesiis pepercerit, etc.

12 It si worthobserving that this tricolon came ni for some shabby treatment from the scribes. Of the

nine manuscripts deriving from Peniarth 434, six of them omit the second sentence of the three (S32/11), and Thelwall's annotations hadanyway succeeded in destroying the rhetorical structure,

omnino reliquisse verisimile quidem est, nec tam Gallos accolas, tametsi eam in conspectu habuerint, quum locorum amplitudine pro libito, vt credendum est, tum

gauderent, quam Graecos, inter quos (vt saepe iam dictum est) navigij vsus primum vigere cepit, huc primum appulisse.126 12 VGC $28/3-9; ByT(Pen. 20), 28a22-2962 =( ByT (Pen. 20 tr.), 20. 33-21. 22); ByT (RB), Norse sources,see Jesch. 'Norse historical traditions'

, see above, pp. 14-15, which was then further mangled ni D by another setof annotations (on D

123 Giraldus Cambrensis. Itinerarium Kambriae. I, 7(p. 129). 124 Rhigyfarch's Life of St David, ch. 35 (p. 15, trans. pp. 38-9). 135 For a general discussion, see C. Davies, LatinWriters of theRenaissance (Cardiff, 1981).

V G C s e e a h o v e n. I

126 HistoriaeBrutanicae Defensio, 57.

and below, p. 40-1); for the significance of this omission for the stemma of the manuscripts of


21-38. 13; BS, 88. 30-90. 27; Giraldus Cambrensis, Itinerarium Kambriae, I, 7(p. 129); for the Old




The following passage from the Commentarioli Britannicae Descriptionis Fragmentum of Humphrey Lhuyd shows a similar tendency (reflected in the printed text by a need to bracket off the subordinate clauses):

Ouae res olim Britannis a nimis superstitioso monacho Augustino, et nimium hisce frivolis tribute, Beda maximo vitio dabatur (adeo ut illos eam ob hanc causam

haereticos vocare ausus est) nunc (quamvis sub Niceni Concilij anathemate aliter mandatum sit) a pontificibus ipsis et tota ecclesia Europea contemnitur. 127

On the other hand, they were perfectly capable of writing simple narrative prose when necessary. The following example could easily come from the pages o f VGC:

Maritimam huius tractus partem Richardus Clarensis vir nobilis classe invectus, aedificatis ad ostia Tifii et Ystwyth castellis, sui iuris fecit. Praesidisque impositis, in

Angliam reversus est: cumque accepisset suas a Cambris obsideri, maximis auxilijs fretus terrestri itinere auso satis temerario eis opitulari conatus est, sed apud Coed

Grono non procul ab Abergevimi [sic], ab Ierwertho de Caerlleon cum omnibus suis

ablative absolute is the subordinate clause of preference; he uses it to replace,

for example, a nominal time phrase: post hanc pugnam (VGC, §12/8) by qua victoriaparta (fol. 3r3); a present participle clause: pecunias suas a c facultates

suas secum deducentes (VGC, $15/4) by rebus suis ac facultatibus una asportatis (fol. 4v6). He seems particularly keen to eradicate present participle contructions either by ablative absolutes (as above) or by a gerund in the ablative, for example, exterminans (VGC $2916) by exterminando (fol. 927), or by replacing them with finite verbs; for example, spolia optima domum referrens (VGC, §13/2) is replaced by spoliaque opima domum reportat (fol. 3r16), desaeviens

(VGC, §18/18) by desaevit (fol. Sv28) added at the end of the clause, condignas sumenspoenas (VGC, $23/14) by meritas sumpsit poenas (fol. 724-5), metuentes (VGC, $29/1) by metuebant (fol. 9r14), etc. He also displays some lexical preferences; for example, he tends to replace forms of pugnare with forms o fdimicare (e.g fol. 3r12). He is also keen on nempe often in combination with m o r everbose

conjunctions; for example, quomodo (VGC, §12/8) is replaced by quemadmodum nempe (fol. 3г6), sicut (VGC, §31/7) by simili nempe modo ac (fol. 9v16).

deletus est. 128

The medieval Vita Griffin filii Conani

There is a control over the narrative and it has a directness which can sometimes be lost in longer sentences.

Some interesting aspects of sixteenth-century Latinity emerge from a

It has been argued above that the Peniarth 434 version of the life of Gruffudd

consideration of the fate of one of the fair copies of VGC. As has been defair copy to be made of Peniarth 434.12 It was then subsequently annotated

ap Cynan represents a copy of the original Latin life which was translated into Welsh in the early thirteenth century. This section considers what we can establish about this text and its transmission.

and anew fair copy made of it, namely C, which is ni the hand of SirJohn Wynn. The changes introduced into D are largely stylistic and throw an interesting

( a ) Transmission

monstrated above, manuscript D (BL, Additional MS, 19712) was the second

light on one scholar's view of the Latinity of D at the end of the sixteenth century. 130 The annotator of D indicates his stylistic preferences from the

beginning by replacing the opening cum-clause with an ablative absolute, Regnante ni Anglis Edwardo; in Hibernia Therdelacho (fol. Irl = VGC, §1/1).131

He also ends the text as he began: the final paragraph of VGC begins with a

The text, as we have it, is unlikely to represent the version which left the author's pen. Several stages of transmission can be detected. At least one stage of copying is presupposed if t h e suggested emendation of §5/8 is accepted. The text is ut insula Cycladis inter mare Tyren et Daniam just as island of the

statement of Gruffudd's age when he died, cum duos et octoginta annos

Cyclades lies between the Tyrrhenian Seaand Denmark',and is being used as

Griffinus complevisset (VGC, $35/6), which is replaced by an ablative absolute, tandem duobus et octoginta annis completis (fol. 10v28). It is clear that the

an analogy for how the Hebrides (insulae Dania) lie in a line north of Ireland on the sea route from Scandinavia. Geographically, however, the text makes no

127 Commentarioli Britannicae Descriptionis Fragmentum, 56. 128 Ibid.. 62. 129 See above, pp. 14-15.

031 For a briefdiscussion, see C . Davies, Sixteenth-century Latin translation', 161, who thought that hte changes had only been made ni C; cf. also HGC ccixxv-cclxxvi. 13 The pattern of reference is by folio and line reference to D followed by the cross reference to the

edited text in VGC. The edited text of VGC may not correspond exactlyto the text quoted above

which is the underlying text of D, a fair copy which incorporates the annotations of both Edward Thelwall and T h o m a s Wiliems (see op. 1 4 - 1 5above for details).

sense, and it is suggested in the notes to $5/8 that the text originally read ut insula Cycladis inter mare Tyren et Ioniam. The Welsh text, likewise, has rung mor Tyren a Denmarc (HGK, .4 3= MPW, 56. 12), and so the error, fi that is what it is, must have crept in between the originalcomposition and the version from which the Welsh text was made. A similar instance is $14/11 in insulam Adron (quae et Focarum insula dicitur) ' t o the island of Adron (which is also

called the island of seals. It is argued ni the notes to this passage that the original has something like ad Ron insulam .i focarum insula where ron is the




Old English or Old Irish word for seal, and that this was rewritten at some

point as ni insulam Adron. This would help to explain the gloss, and clarify §23/9 in quandam insulam (quae Dinieuyt vocatur) corresponding in the Welsh

version to en ron enys, nyt amgen enys dinewyt e mor ni the island of Ron, namely the island of the seals' (HGK, 20. 9-10 = MPW, 72. 29-30). At §14/11 the changes must have occurred before the translation was made. At $23/9, the original Latin text may have had something like ad Ron insulam but this was changed to a vaguer in quandam insulam, perhaps through uncertainty as to whether this was the same island as in $14/11, although it is possible here that the original Latin text had in quandam insulam and that the Welsh text was

adding precision. These examples, then, provide evidence for changes between the original and the Welsh translation and for changes in the subsequent transmission.

Theestablishment of the original Latin text of the life of Gruffudd ap Cynan also allows us to identifyerrors ni the early transmission of the Welsh text, that is, errors which predate the archetype of all the extant versions. Two instances have already been discussed above. 132 At the battle of Mynydd Carn the

who was perpetuating the lineof transmission of the Latin text. 133 The evidence

si slight but ti si worth drawing attention to .ti Two examples suggest confusion

of t and c: at $15/2 VGC has navibus . . . mare profundum saltantibus, the last

word si corrected by Thelwall to sulcantibus, thus matching the Welsh gan rwygaw dyvynvoroed 'cleaving the deep seas' (HGK, 12. 9 = MPW, 64. 26); the Latin phrase, literally, 'dancing (over) the sea', is striking but may well be an

error with an original sulcantibus in insular script misread as saltantibus.

Similarly, the name Uchdryt (HGK, 23. 28) is preserved in the Latin text as Vchtrico ($26/3). Another possible instance may account for the confusion between Homer and Virgil at $23/17, where the Latin refers to Homerum and the Welsh to Maro vard (HGK, 21. 19-20 = MPW, 74. 5). Is it possible that the original had Maronem in insular script and that the capital M- was misread as H- and that there was confusion of n and r? If so, again the Welsh translator

was correct ni his reading. On the other hand, it is perfectly possible that the error went in the other direction, and that the original had Homerum. Or, thirdly, the Welsh translator simply preferred to refer to Virgil.

carnedd in question is identified as sub quo thesauros absconditos olim opinantur (§18/17), but the corresponding section of the Welsh text has a dan er honn y

(b) Place of composition

cladwt rysswr 'under which a hero was buried' (HGK, 16. 15 = MPW, 69. 2-3).

Simon Evans tentatively suggested that Clynnog Fawr might eb implicated ni some way ni the writing of HGK and/or its Latin predecessor. 3I4 Clynnog

The second si the misreading of neu as nei (HGK, .7 15 = VGC, $10/6 vel.


Although Simon Evans used the fragmentary version in Peniarth 17 for as much of the text as he could, the Latin text now allows us to identify textual errors ni Peniarth 17 in cases where the Latin text agrees with the reading of the other later manuscripts. In $2/1 the Latin text has the name Esyllt which is also

found in all the other manuscripts except for Peniarth 17 which has Etill (HGK, .1 14 = MPW, 53. 17). While we cannot rule out the possibility that the name ni the Latin text has been modernized, ti is just as likely that Etill has been imported into Peniarth 17 from another genealogy. At $14/11 the Latin text has ut ad naves deducat. but the Penarth 17 version of the Welsh text contains d'e anvod against his will instead of a'e anon of the other versions (HGK, 11, n. 3); the Penarth 17 version is erroneous as a'e anvon correctly translates the Latin. At $21/1 the Latin text has peditessagittariosque, while the Peniarth 17 version

of the Welsh text has a phedyt saethydyon 'archers on foot (HGK, 18. 7= 70. 24-5) against a phedyt a saethydyon of the other manuscripts (HGK, 18, n. 1). The other manuscripts preserve a better rendering of the Latin text.

A further point may be made about the original Latin text. Occasional discrepancies between the Latin and Welsh versions might be explicable in terms of the misreading of a manuscript written in an insular script, which was in some instances comprehensible to the Welsh translator but not to the copyist

certainly figures prominently ni HGK, as a place of refuge for the sons of Merwydd (HGK, 8. 3-4), as the place where two brothers from Anglesey received their cyfarws from Gruffudd (HGK, 10. 20-2), as a beneficiary of his will (HGK, 32. 1), and with Simeon of Clynnog present at his deathbed (HGK, 32. 9-10). All the references to Clynnog in HGK are in the Latin but, insofar as they are comprehensible, they are slightly different. 135At $12/2 (which is one of the most

difficult sentences to read in the whole manuscript) the beginning of the sentence reads Ex quo loco milites a r m a t o s(viz. filios Merwydd) in Kelvnnauk et sanctuarium misit metu hominum Powsiae F r o m here he sent armed soldiers.

namely the sons of Merwydd, to the sanctuary at Clynnog out of fear of the men of Powys"; ti is ambiguous as to whether they were sent into sanctuary or whether they were sent to the sanctuary to protect it from the men of Pows. The rest of the sentence is so corrupt it is difficult to make anything of it. At §34/7 in the list of churches which benefit from his largesse, Clynnog is apparently promoted in the Welsh text to second from fourth in the Latin: Ac 13 For a suggestion that hte insular tradition may have survived from the twelfth into the thirteenth century inareas such as Clynnog Fawr, 'beyond the flood of Norman influence', see Huws, Medieval Welsh Manuscripts, 38.

HGK, p. cexlix; see also P.Sims-Williams, C ' las Beuno and the Four Branches of hte Mabinogi,' ni

132 See above. po. 28-9. 33 respectivelv.

B. Maier and S. Zimmer (eds), 150 Jahre Mabinogion (Tübingen, 2001), 111-27.

135 For further details on what follows see t h erelevantnotes





Germani, Dinerth, Ecclesiae Caercybi decem solidos ac tantund em Penmonae,

Apart from a cumulative vagueness about Gwynedd, further evidence may be provided by the terminology of nationality in VGC. In a wide-ranging discussion of the terminology of nationality in Wales, for example, the use of

scribe omitting some of the names and inserting them later on.At $35/1, ni the

that in the twelfth century the 'Cambrian' terminology was associated with St

Gelvnnawe, Enlli, Meivot, multisque praecipuis alis ecclesis. While this might indicate a more favourable attitude towards Clynnog, ti si difficult to be certain; the variation ni word order may just as easily be a result of scribal error with a Latin text theequivalent to the laudatory adjectives (gwr addfet o oet adoethinap prior (HGK, 32. 11)) are not used of Simeon, though similar words are used of the of the monastery at Chester. The overall impression would be that the references

to Clynnog are slightly different, but not sufficiently for us to build anything

substantial upon the differences. If, however, all the differences were significant, involved in the Welsh we might wish to argue that Clynnog may have been more additions reflect these that r o n versio translation than in the original Latin y associated alread text a of further Clynnog reworking at the translation stage

with them in some way. The former of these is not unlikely ni the light of the

general impression that VGC is less firmly focused on Gwynedd than is HGK. y The evidence for this impression is cumulative and made up of relativel small variations between the text of VGC and HGK. The absence of the men of Gwynedd from the battle of Mynydd Carn has already been discussed, as has

Cambri and Cambria beside Wallenses and Wallia, Huw Pryce has proposed

David's and material emanating from there.138 When this proposal is tested

against VGC ti is striking that the terminology is overwhelmingly 'Cambrian'

All the references to the Welsh and Wales are to Cambri and Cambria, except

for three instances: neither of the first two, §5/10 (Wallice), $2214 (Wallia),

occurs ni HGK and so they are likely to be later introductions into the text of VGC. The third instance, certamine Wallorum ($23/12), is curious because it

uses a form otherwise unattested in Cambro-Latin, namely Wallorum implyin g

a singular Wallus, rather than Wallensium (or Cambrorum):139 that the Welsh are being referred to here is supported by the text of HGK which has emlade

Kemry (HGK, 20. 22). The context is a siege and ti si suggested ni the notes that

the original had certamine vallorum and that this was misunderstood as

Wallorum at an early stage ni the transmission before the Welsh translation had

been made. The evidence for Cambrian' usage in VGC could, on the one hand,

the lack of laudatory adjectivesdescribing Simeon of Clynnog.136 At $10/2 the

undermine Pryce's thesis, as it would provide evidence of 'Cambrian' usage in

is marked ni the Latin text by ni Cambria, but this si missing ni the Welsh text,

is exclusively Menevensian at this period, it would suggest that the original

action switches from Ireland to Wales and the change of geographical context

of Trahae arn and it which simply moves into the descrip tion of the unjust rule

is taken for granted that the scene is Gwynedd. The mention at §31/1 of the friendship support of a unnamed bishop of Bangor in establishing Gruffudd's 1109 before to firmly dated with Henry, Bangorensisepiscopi interventu, is more in the Welsh text by the identification of the bishop as Hervé (HGK, 28. 4). At §33/5 in the Latin text Gwynedd simply gleams with churches; in the Welsh text they are kalcheit lime-washed' (HGK, 30. 18), perhaps reinforcing the comparison with shining stars, but adding detail not in the Latin version. Pejorative the statements about Gruffudd and men of Gwynedd have been removed in with red compa is he Welsh version; for example, when Gruffudd is on the run,

north Wales; on the other hand, fi it turns out that the 'Cambrian' terminology

Latin text of VGC was composed by someone in St David's or by someone

trained in 'Menevensian' Latinity. 'Cambrian' terminology was, however, also

the norm in sixteenth-century Latin usage, and it might be objected that the

evidence for 'Cambrian' usage in VGC is simply a feature of its sixteenthcentury origins, or at least that ti provides evidence for redaction in the early sixteenth century. But the above discussion has presenteda case for the twelfthcentury Latinity of VGC, and in that context it si more likely that the 'Cambrian' terminology is of that period. 140 Furthermore, the 'Cambrian' terminology is so embedded in the text (and the few examples of 'Wallensian' terminology so

a runaway slave, quasi erro (822/8).137 On the other hand, interestinGwynedd

easily rejected as secondary) that it is difficult to believe that it could have been replaced so consistently throughout. If so, the relative vagueness of VGC in

we are n o t told in either text h o w much i t was, simply that it was etiam amplius

be explainedby a place of composition outside Gwynedd. One striking feature of VGC is that, while the detail about Gwynedd is vaguer than in HGK, the

Welsh versions seems to be indicated by the observation in both the Latin and tellingly that Bangor gets a bigger legacy than anywhere else, though perhaps

19), that is, more than the 20 solidi or a mwy no hynny (VGC, $34/5 = HGK, 31. given to Dublin, St David's, Chester and Shrewsbury. This is an awkward phrase

of place and has not only in its vagueness but also because it seems oddly out the air of an afterthought. 136 See above, p. 34. to the people of Gwynedd as imbecilliores weaker, incapacitated' (§25/2), which si 137 The reference wow.afaid h oto l o n to h a naiorative but does not need to be: see the note o n$25/2.

matters of Venedotian detail, discussed ni the preceding paragraph, would also detailed passage about St David's is more or less identical; as a result, a

Menevensian presence tends to loom larger in VGC than ti does ni HGK. 138 H. Pryce, 'British or Welsh?', EHR, 116 (2001), 775-801. 139 Note, however, inter Walos et Anglos in the twelfth-century Quadripartitus version of the Dunsaete Ordinance (Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, I.377), from manuscript R, dated by Lieberman n to .1160; see also P. Wormald, The Making of English Law (Oxford, 1999), 236-44

140 See above, pp. 35-41.





of 1137 × 1148 would coincide with a period of Gwynedd dominance ni an

(c) Date o fcomposition

important part o f the diocese of St David's.

VGC was A related issue at this point is the date of composition. It is clear that his son, f o reign the n i perhaps composed after the death of Gruffudd in 1137, that assume e w If new. s i that Owain. Beyond that, VGC does not offer much

in Waterford until the Waterford dating clause about the son of Hara ld ruling this day, hyt hediw (HGK, 3. 27), which has been lost from VGC due to damage sition to the corner of the page (§5/7), was originally in the text, then the compo that n i when explore to useful e b may t i so, If 1171.141 before date is probably have St David's might period, from 1137 to 1170, links between Gwynedd and

Gruffu dd lands at St been closest. Another factor may also be relevant. When which is described Clais Porth at lands he David's and receives a warm welcome,

strikingly as non longe a sede archiepiscopali ($17/1; cf. ker law archescopty

( a ) Historical implications

At this point, it may be helpful to draw attention to some of the significant differences between the two versions, some of which have historical implications.

These will not beexplored in full here, but further discussion can be found both above a n d in the notes to the text.

The main difference has already been

mentioned, namely the tendency for the Latin text to be less firmly focused on Gwynedd than the Welsh text. This is discussed further in the preceding section. Other differences include the following.

The genealogies are part of the text and mostly correspond to the

Mynyv (HGK, 13. 19)). 142 If this phrase is to be given its full weight, then it

genealogies ni HGK. There are two small gaps ni relation to HGK, one at least of which si explicable by eye-skip.145 One reason for drawing attention to this

fore in this period. More specifically, it was amajor issue during the bishopric (1148-76) of Bernard, who died in 1148. Bernard's successors, David fitz Gerald to pursue not oath n a swear o t and Peter de Leia (1176-98), were both required ap Gruffudd of life the of context the In any claim for metroplitan status.143

in HGK might not necessarily have been the same as any genealogical information in the original Latin life. 146

which came to the raises the issue of St David's claims for metrop olitan status

tant, not Cynan, the support which Owein Gwynedd gave to St David's is impor urging least because of the important role played by Simeon of Clynnog in

e Owain to support Bernard. I4 One possibility, then, and it remains a tentativ hip suggestion only, is that VGC was composed in the context of the relations of the between St David's and Gwyned d at some point in the latter part Was it bishopric of Bernard (after 1137 but before Bernard's death in 1148).

support perhaps composed as a quid pro quo, or simply as a gift, in return for the ity of Latin an vensi Mene the for unt acco of Gwynedd? If so, that might help to

for VGC, as betrayed by its 'Cambrian' usage of nationality terms, and also

should be recalled that sense of distance from Gwyne dd discussed above. It

that there were close dynastic links as Gruffudd ap Rhys had married the be daughter of Gruffudd ap Cynan, Gwenllian. Furthermore, it may also occupied significant that from 1136 Owain Gwynedd and his brother Cadwal adr the Ceredigion, and it was only in 1150-1 that most of Ceredigion wastaken by date tion composi a words, other In rth. sons of Gruffudd ap Rhys of Deheuba . .L Maund, Ireland, Wales and England 14 On arguments for a date as late as the thirteenthcentury, see K her views. rejection of ni the Eleventh Century (Woodbridge, 1991), 171-82, and Duffy's review for a

142 See HGK, 73, n. 13.19, where ti si suggested that the original Latin might have had metropolis or t h e like here. 191; M. .T . Davies, Conquest, Co-existence, and Change (Oxford and Cardiff, 1987), . R 143 R . 34-5; M 1989), (Oxford, Kingship Angevin Settlers, an Anglo-Norm Society, Irish Flanagan, Richter, Giraldus Cambrensis (Aberystwyth, 1976), 38-56 (for a calendar of the surviving correspondence on the issue, ibid., 130-2, and the references cited there). 1# Cf. HGK, pp. cexlvii-coxlix and p. 107; see also Giraldus Cambrensis, De invectionibus, ,2 8-10; 0


2 5 о6 0


here is that Patrick Sims-Williams had tentatively suggested that the genealogies

The early sections relating to Ireland and Viking activity are of particular

interest to historians. Unfortunately, this is the most damaged part of Peniarth 434, and so some questions cannot be answered; forexample, the sentence about

Waterford (end of $5/7), which supplies a datingclause implying that VGC was

composed before 1171, has been lost, though the size of t h egap would suggest it had been there originally. Nevertheless, some matters have been clarified. According to the Latin text, Gruffudd's grandfather, Olaf, king of Dublin, came from Scotia (§4/1).147 The section on Alanus is a little clearer: he si the brother of the king of Llychlyn and he is killed by Twr. If Alanus has been correctly

identified as St Olaf, the form of his name, Alanus, might originally have been Alauus, or perhaps Amlauus or Anlauus. 148 With regard to the lands ruled over by Olaf, the form Arennae($4/2) corresponding to Renneu 'Rinns' (HGK. .2 20 = MPW, 55. 2) might encourage us to think in terms of the Isle of Arann rather than Galloway.

Later in the text, the men of Gwynedd seem to have been absent from the Battle of Mynydd Carn, as do Meilir ap Rhiwallon and men of Powys (§$17-18).

The effect of this in part is to change our overall perception of Gruffudd's relationship with the people of Gwynedd and Anglesey, and it tends to throw

into higher relief their inclination to revolt against Gruffudd and to let him down at every available opportunity. 541 See the notes to §3. 146 Sims-Williams, 'Historical need', 28: *and we cannot even be sure that the translator took over the genealogies unchanged from his Latin exemplar'. See the notes to $4/1-2 148 See the notes to 85/1-4




convention of medieval From a historiographical standpoint, VGC follows the versed in the

oser was well historical and biographical texts in that the comp conventions of biographical writing deriving ultimately from Suetonius and in l figures. 149 Almost the drawing of copious parallels with classical and biblica

all of them are also found ni HGK, such as the regular analogy between

Gruffudd and ludas Maccabaeus (and therefore between Hugh, earl of Chester, , highlighting the themes of and Antiochus), and between Gruffudd and David al, resistance and refreeing a nation from foreign domination, internal betray allusions s us to pursue biblical surgence. However, the Latin life also allow

the which have not recognizably survived translation into Welsh. For example,

than has been realized: Macca baean theme is m o r e deeply embed ded i n the text

at 814/14(and again with slightly different phrasing at $18/8) Gruffudd si

d from 1 Macc. described as 'like a giant or a lion', ut gygas vel leo, which is derive edd (§33/2-3), and 3.3 .4 Similarly, Gruffudd's building projects in Gwyn


message; the latter is executed by David, while the former is rewarded byGruffudd. Similarly, the comparison of Gruffudd with Hezechiah at $34/2 and elsewhere in

the latter stages of VGC works well, provided we do not recall that Hezechiah was also used as the paradigm of the good king succeeded by a bad son, Manasseh.153 All the examples discussed so far are identical in VGC and HGK, but there are also some instances where the translator seems to have added his own layer

of biblical reference, which si largely New Testament in character ni contrast to the predominantly Old Testament nature of the frame of reference in VGC. At

§26/10 the people of Gwynedd escape into the wilds Francorum aliarumque

externarum gentium metu 'through fear of the French, etc.', but the Welsh text has rhag ofyn yr Iddewon, nit amgen, y Ffreink a chenedloedd ereill 'for fear of the Jews, namely the French and other peoples' (HGK, 24. 21-2 = MPW, 77.2-3).

All the biblical references employed elsewhere in this text would make the men of Gwynedd analogous to the Jews. The allusion is probably New Testament,

kidnap rebuilding the temple in Jerusalem in 1 Macc. 41-51. Again, the plan to

referring to the presecution of Christ by the Jews; compare, for example, propter metum ludaeorum 'because of fear of the Jews' (John 7.13, etc.). After $26/10 the Welsh translator added an extra sentence about people suffering

Maccabaeus 1( Macc. 7.28-9). Anumber of other biblical allusions also come

when they have lost their leader, Kanys megys y dyweit dwywawl ymadrawdd:

against a wall' ($25/1) has been discussed above.150 At.$32/7 Henry plans to destroys the people of Gwynedd at sword point, ni ore gladii, a common Old

people fall without a l e a d e r "(HGK, 24. 23-4 = MPW, 77.4 -5). This seems to

light of Maccabaeus especially his church-building, might be seen in the

ping of Gruffudd at $19/3 4 might be compared with the attempted kidnap to light. The description of William Rufus leaving 'not even a dog alive pissing

like figs from a Testament phrase. ISI When the Normans fall from their horses a direct though tree at $28/6, it is likely that Old Testament imagery is intended, parallel is less easy to track down. 152 ent reference is that it is The general impression of the range of Old Testam

of the Bible to the being used by someonewho is at home with the phraseology of instanc es where r numbe a are There es. referenc extent that he did n o t check his detailed scrutiny; o t up the reference makes superficial sense, but does not stand young er, for example, at $12/4 the parallel between Anian, the messeng and the

of the Amalechite (1 Samuel 31-2 Samuel 1) only extends a s far as the delivery . Smith, The Sense of History ni Medieval Wales 149 On the biography ni medieval Wales, see .J B . Townend, 'Suetonius and his influence', (Aberystwyth, 1991), 6-7, 12; see also more generally G. B K. R. Bradley, Suetonius' Life of Nero 79-111; 1967), n, (Londo y Biograph Latin . Dorey (ed.), . A ni T (Leipzig, 1901), 1-16, and more Biographie e-römische (Brussels, 1978), 15-19; F. Leo, Die griechisch

ni lateinischen Mittelalter generally i n the medieval period, W. Berschin, Biographie und Epochenstil l . For general discussion of biblical reference, see A. Granden, Historica

(Stuttgart, 1986-91) 192 Writing ni England (London, 1996), 95 (William the Conqueror as Samson and Solomon), (heavenly portents of disaster: King David ni 1138, Stephen ni 1141), 456 (Edward I, Wallace likened

o Hierod and Nero):see also R.W. Hanning, The Vision of History in EarlyBritain (New York,

1966). On Judas Maccabaeus generally in medieval historiography, see .J Dunbabin, The Maccabees . Wood (eds), The Bible ni the . Walsh and D as exemplarsin the tenth andeleventh centuries', ni K 1984), 117-22. Haven, (New Chivalry Keen, . Medieval World (Oxford, 1985) 31-41; M $25/1.

150 See pp. 25-6 above; for the full biblical references, see the notes for

ISI See the notes to $32/7 for detailed references. e n o l l Cas n a c i b l o n o r o l l e l s

'digwyddaw a orug y bobl hep tywyssawg' For as the Holy Word savs: "the

have been carried over as a paraphrase from $19/7 where Matthew 26.31 is

quoted directly ni the context of Gruffudd's kidnap. There are also indications that the translator himself was so steeped in the Bible that he tended to make

biblical allusions more precise; for example, at $21/3, A t populorum clamor ad Deum ascendebat, ipseque illis opportuno tempore subsidium tulit 'But the cries of

the peoples rose to God, and He at an appropriate time brought help to them',

the Welsh translator replaced the second clause with ac enteu a'e guerendewis

wy 'and He listened to them' (HGK, 18. 9= MPW 70. 28). The first part of this sentence is biblical (for example, Exod. 2:23, ascendit clamor eorum ad Deum ab operibus) and ti is likely that it triggered in the Welsh translator the usual biblical continuation, et (ex)audivit (Deus), or the like.!S4 There si finally one instance where the translator may be making a Maccabaean allusion more

precise (perhaps the composer of the original was working from memory): at

$26/1 Hugh of Chester is compared with Antiochus and is described as malorum omnium architectus, but in the Welsh translation this phrase has been replaced by gureid er holldrwe 'the root of all the evil' (HGK, 23. 1 = MPW,

75. 27) which has a closer biblical parallel: the first time Antiochus appears in 1

Maccabees, he is described as a radix peccatrix 'an evil scion'1( Macc. 1.11).

153 Cf. also $25/9 (Gruffudd holding back like David), $35/1 (anointment by oil), $35/5 (lamentation the death

on of Gruffudd as at the death ofJoshua). 154 Cf. also $28/2 where a similar replacement occurs.




Ynysoedd yDyniewydo

Method of e d i t i n g


f Peniarth MS 434. It is presented The text edited here si the underlying text o apparatus under the text indicates only with a facing translation. The minimal on (a) of

M O N P I Aber Lief



t has been emended. Secti the few cases where the text of the manuscrip to the text by Edward Thelwall. the main apparatus contains all changes made by Thom as W i l i e s and others are Subsequent additions and changes made twelfths. No attempt is made to restore a listed in section (b) of the apparatu

Bron yr Erwe Netyne


pointed out in the century version of the text, though obvious later features are a twelfth-century n i when ed retain notes; for example, the arabic numerals are

text Roman numer als would be expected. top corner of each page has For the first twenty pages of the manu scrip t the on page 1 and with decreasing severity suffered from rodent damage. It is worst

order to provide a complete text, where the whole page is intact by page 20. In corresponding text from Cotton, possible the gaps have been filled with the in italics. There are Vitellius C.ix, the earliest surviving copy; this text is printed is too different C.ix lius Vitel on, Cott cases, for example, $12/1, where the text of in the text,


gaps have been left to be used to fill the gap; in such instances large gaps, and the difficulties are indicated by [ . ] or by [.. ...] to indicate ces where nothing can be indicated in the notes. Similarly, in the few instan

by [.]; again the difficulties are made of the underlying text the gap is indicated s C.ix seems too long indicated in the notes. Where the text of Cotton, Vitelliu of Cotton, to fit in the space, it is bracketed with ( .) The complete text


Vitellius C.ix is printe d in Appen dix .3

main text, probably where In a few cases, a gap was left by the scribe of the Some of these gaps were . > < the exemplar was illegible; they are indicated by atus. filled by the annot ator; these are noted in the appar

to make sense; these are In some instances, the text has required emendation ssed in the notes. Such discu ratus beneath the text and

indicated in the appa and usually in order to restore emendations have been made sparingly has been

ever, the text of Penarth 434 grammatical sense. In most cases, how ssed in the notes. retained and any emendation suggested and discu d to the section divisions in which corre spon

The text is divided into sections The sections are numbered and within HGK (see the concordance, pp. 210-11). and

by section each section the sentences are numbered. Reference to the text is sentence of nd seco the to ple, §34/2 refers sentence number, thus, for exam section 34.

Map of Wales she

Vita Griffini filii Conani

The Life of Gruffudd ap Cynan

(NLW, Peniarth MS, 434)




[p. 1]'Cum in Anglia regnaret Edwardus dictus Confessor et apud Hybernos srex Therdelachus rex, nascitur in Hybernia apud civitatem Dublinensem Griffinu Swrth ce Hyberni dicto ell Colomk Venedotiae, nutriturque in loco Comoti Colomkelle,per tria miliaria distante a domo suorum parentum.

When Edward (called the Confessor) was ruling in England and King

Toirrdelbach was ruling over the Irish, there was born ni Ireland in the city of Dublin, Gruffudd, king of Gwynedd, and he was fostered ni a place ni the commote of Colum Cille called in Irish Sord Coluim Chille, which lies three miles away from the home of his parents.


§2 'His father, Cynan, was king of Gwynedd, his mother Ragnell, daughter of

Dublinensis civitatis, ac quintae partis Hybernie. Prosapia quidem quam nobili

Olaf, king of the city of Dublin and of a fifth part of Ireland.F r o m how noble and regal a lineage Gruffudd stemmed, both on the paternal and maternalside, the corresponding genealogies, derived from his ancestors in direct line,

regis 'Eius pater Cynannus erat rex Venedocie, mater vero Racvella filia Avloedi

ac regia oriundus e r a Gruffinu s cum paterna tum materna quemadmodum

genealogiae recto ordine a parentibus deductae monstrant, sequitur.

quarum series

§3 filii Jacobi, filii Idwali, filii Elissae, filii Cynani fuit filius s Griffinu 'Siquidem castro Meurik, filii Anarauti, filii Rhodri, filii Esyllt, q u e fuit filia Cynani de wn Cadwalla filii , Benedicti deri Cadwale filii Dyndaythwy, filii Idwali Dyre, Paterni filii Ederni, filii regis, e Cuneda filii manus oblongae, filii Einawn Yrth, vestis ceruleae, filii Tageti, filii Jacobi, filii Guidawc, [p. 2] filii Keni, fili Caini, t, fili filii Gorgaini, filii Doli, filii Gurdoli, filii Dwvyn, filii Gordwvyn, filii Anweri Beli filii Onnet, filii Diawng, filii Brychweni, filii Yweni, filii Avallach, filii Avlech, filii Elideri, Magni. 3At rursum Rhodri fuit filius Mervyn Vrych, filii Gwriat, filii fili is, senior rch Sandef, filii Alkwm, filii Tagit, filii Gwen, fili Dwe, filii Llywa Elidir Llydanwyn, filii Meirchiawn Gvl, filii Gorwst Lledlwm, filii Keneu, fili

Coeli Godebawc, fili Tegwan Cloff, fili Dehewent, fili Vrbani, filii Gradi, fili

Rivedeli, filii Rydeyrni, filii Eudeyrni, filii Eudyganti, filii Eudos, filii Eudolei,

fili filii Avallach, fili Aflechi, filii Beli Magni, filii Manogani, filii Eneit,

filii Kyrwyt, filli Crydoni, filii Dyvynarthi, filii Prydein, filii Aet Magni, filit Eboraci, filii dwyn, 3]Ysgwy . p [ Bruti filii , Gurwsti filii , Seirioel filii Antonii, Membricii,fi l i Madauci, filii Locrini, fili Bruti ducis Romani, filii Sylvii, filii

demonstrate; their sequence follows. §3 'Gruffudd was indeed the son of Cynan, son of lago, son of Idwal, son of Elisedd, son of Meurig, son of Anarawd, son of Rhodri, son of Esyllt, who

was the daugher of Cynan from the castle of Dindaethwy, son of Idwal Dyre, son of Cadwaladr Bendigaid, son of Cadwallon of the long hand, son of

Einion Yrth, son of King Cunedda, son of Edern, son of Padarn blue-shirt, son of Tegid, son of lago, son of Gwyddog, son of Cain, son of Gorgain, son

of Doli, son of Gwrddoli, son of Dwfn, son of Gwrddwfn, son of Anweryd, son of Onned, son of Diwng, son of Brychwen, son of Ywain, son of Afallach, son of Aflech, son of Beli Mawr. And again Rhodri Mawr was the son of Merfyn Frych, son of Gwriad, son of Elidir, son of Sardest, son of Alewm, son

of Tegid, son of Gwain, son of Diwg, son of Llywarch Hen, son of Elidir Llydanwyn, son of Meirchion, son of Gorwst Lledlwm, son of Cenau, son of Coel Godebog, son of Tegfan Cloff, son of Dehewaint, son of Urban, son of Gradd, son of Rhyfeddel, son of Rhideyrn, son of Euddygant, son of Euddos, son of Euddolai, son of Afallach, son of Aflech, son of Beli Mawr, son of Manogan, son of Enaid, son of Cerwyd, son of Cryddon, son of Dyfnarth, son



Ascani, filii Aeneae Ysgwydwyn, filit Anchisis, fili Capis, filii Assaraci, filii Trois, fili Erictonii, filii Dardani, filii Jovis, filii Saturni, fili Coelii filii Creti, fili Cyprii, filii Javan, fili Japhet, filii Noe hen, filii Lamech, fili Mathusalem, fili Enoch, fili Jaret, filii Mahaleel, filii Cainan, filii Enos, filii Seth, filit. Adae,

of Prydain, son of Aedd Mawr, son of Antonius, son of Seirioel, son of Gwrwst, son of Brutus Ysgwyddwyn, s o nof Eboracus, son of Mambricius, son

fi l i D e l .

son of Assaracus, son of Trois, son of Ericthonius, son of Dardanus, son of Jove, son of Saturn, son of Coelius, son of Cretus, son of Cyprius, son of


of Madog, son of Locrinus, son of Brutus, the leader of Rome, son of Silvius, son of Ascanius, son of Aeneas Ysgwyddwyn, son of Anchises, son of Capys, lavan, son of Japhet, son of old Noah, son of Lamech, son of Methusalah, son of Enoch, son of Jaret, son of Mahaleel, son of Cainan, son of Enos, son of Seth, son of Adam, son of God.


'Nobilitas Griffini ex stirpe materna deducitur sic: Griffinus rex filius Racnell

§4 'The noble status of Gruffudd is derived from his mother's line as follows: king

filiae Auloedi Regis Dubliniae, et quintae partis Hybernie, Insulae Mannae, qui

Gruffudd, son of Ragnell, daughter of Olaf, king of Dublin and of a fifth part

e Scotia genus ducebat. ?Aliarum complurium insularum re etiam habebatur

of Ireland, of the Isle of Man, who derived his ancestry from Scotland. 'He

ut Daniae, Galovidiae, Arennae, Monae et Venedotiae, ubi eius castellum (dictum Castellum Auloed) fossa et muro quam munitissimum construxit, e cuius [p. 4]rudera apparent, et vocabatur Castellum Auloedi, quamvis Cambric

appelletur Bon v Dom. 3Auloed iste fuit filius Sutrici regis, filii Auloed regis Cirian, filii Sutrici, filii Auloed regis fili Harfa*geri Regis qui filius fuerat regis Daniae.

§5 1Animadversione hoc dignum est fuisse Haraldum, Haraldum Harfa*gyr suosque

binos fratres filios regis Daniae, cuius fratrem Alanum regem et religionis

sanctitate et virtutis gloria corporis prestantem, Twr quidam princeps inter

was also considered to be the king of several other islands in as much as he was regarded as king of Denmark, of Galloway, of Arran, of Anglesey and of

Gwynedd, where he built his castle (called the castle of Olaf) which is as strong as possible with its ditch and rampart, parts of which are still visible, and it

used to be called Castle of Olaf, though in Welsh ti is called Bon y Dom. 3That Olaf was the son of king Sutric, son of Olaf Cirian, son of Sutric, son of king Olaf, son of king Haarfa*gr who had been the son of the king of Denmark. §5 'It is worth noting that Harald Haarfa*gr and his two brothers were sons of the king of Denmark, whose brother, king Alan, outstanding in the sanctity of his devotion and in the fame of his courage and of his appearance, was killed in

battle by a prince, Twr. 'But while Twr was removing spoils from him, and ni

preliandum interfecit. ?At dum spolia illi detraheret ac precipue collo torquem aureum ponderis gravissimi (quo ornamenti genere reges nobilesque tunc utebantur) extorqueret, adhaesit manibus torques genuaque defixa ventri

particular was twisting off a golden torc of great weight (a type of ornament

iungebantur. 3Atque hoc fuit primum, quo eum miraculo ornaverat Deus; deinceps vero Dani eum divorum numero adscripserunt, eum honoribus sunt prosequuti non modicis, adeo ut templa ad eius nominis gloriam erigerent, ac per Daniam cultus e perficerent, maxime vero nautam illumcontinuo

God had marked him out; subsequently the Danes numbered him among their gods and bestowed great honours on him to the extent that they raised temples

invocabant, sacrificia [p. 5] donaque alia illi offerentes, si quando inter

navigandum in pericula inciderent. "Caeterum qui illum occidit princeps, post hoc

facinus Thurkiawl est appellatus, qui tanta innocentiae regem peremisset. SNeque hoc praetereundum videtur, tres istos fratres mari longe lateque

used by kings and nobles at that time), the tore stuck to his hands and his knees were locked and joined to his stomach.'And this was the first miracle by which

to the glory of his name and throughout Denmark they established a cult to

him; and in particular they used to call upon him as a sailor,offering himsacrifices and other gifts, whenever they fell into danger while sailing. *However, the prince who killed him was called after this deed Thurkiawl, because he had killed a king of such great innocence.

perlustrasse cum classe regio more instructissima, ac tandem in Hyberniam

SAnd this should not seem to be overlooked: that those three brothers travelled far and wide over the sea with their fleet, fitted out very well in the royal

copiosum eam erat ingressus, totamque Hyberniam pertransierat summa

manner, and ni the end came to Ireland.Not long before Harald Haarfa*gr at the head of a large army had entered it, and had crossed the whole of Ireland slaughtering and routing the inhabitants with the greatest cruelty, and i n this

pervenisse. 6Verum non multo antea Haraldus Harfa*gyr exercitum ducens

crudelitate incolas mactando fugandoque csi maximam eius partem sibi

subiugarat. "Ipse vero civitatem Dublinensem aliasque civitates, castella atque




acquieverat, presidia edificabat, ubi am in huius regni possessioneconfirmatus praefectum urbium rat, condide ] 6 (p. quas fratremque alterum in una illarum i tas n posteri cuius g, Porthlar constituit, quae illorum usitato sermone vocatur

hodiernum diem eius urbis dominio potitur: 8At ipse Haraldus totam Hyberniam

insulasque cunctas Danae regebat, quae ex illo latere Hyberniae adiacent, ut

scilicet Rodulphus insula Cycladis inter mare Tyren et Daniam. "Tertius fratrum

s Gallos perdomuit, ni Gallias naves direxit, ubi fortiter se gessit, varisque praelii aniam

tempore Norm Galliaeque portionem non modicam subiecit, quam h o genus a Dania scilicet , fixerant sedes ibi egiae vocitamus, quod viri Northw ti ad numerum parti sunt partes cim duode n i originem deducens. I°Hanc regionem

Baronum vel similitudinem ducum, qui in aliam Galliae partem, Britanniam


way had subjugated a very large part of it for himself. He indeed began to build the city of Dublin and other cities, and castles and forts where now he had settled confirmed in the possession of this kingdom, and he established one brother in one of the cities which he had founded as governor of the town

which ni the common speech of those people is called Porthlarg, and his descendants hold the city under their control to this d a y.B u t Harald himself used to rule over the whole of Ireland and all the islands of Denmark, which lie off that side of Ireland, just as island of the Cyclades lies between the Tyrrhenian Sea and Denmark. "The third brother, namely Rodulphus,directed his ships to Gaul, where he conducted himself bravely, and overcame the Gauls in various battles, a n d s u b d u e d a large part o f Gaul, which today we call

es multas condiderunt vel Wallice Lydaw dictam, olim advenerant. I Hic civitat Roma a [p. 7] Romulo t u ut Rodwn ad Rodwlfi regis primi perpetuam memoriam, nomen acceperat, et a Remo Rhemi: necnon alias urbes, castella, locaque presidis firmata constituit. 12Ab hoc Rodulpho genus deduc*nt reges Normanniae qui et fili duo, qui ei in Anglie regnum armis sibi acquisiverunt, scilicet Willhelmus,

Normandy because the men of Norway had established their abode there, since they derived their ancestry from Denmark. T h e y divided this region into

t. quae patern am maternamque nobilitatem specta

places strengthened by strongholds. 12From this Rodulphus the kings of Normandy, who acquired for themselves the kingdom of England, derived their origin, namely William and his two sons who succeeded him in the kingship. 13And that William, or Rufus, and Henry, and his nephew Stephen, were contemporaries of king Gruffudd. 14Such therefore was the genealogy of

regno constant. 13At Wilhelmus ille, vel Rufus, Henricus, neposque Stephanus Griffini series, coaetanei regis Griffin fuerant. IHuius< > ergo fuerat stirpis

twelve parts, according to the number of 'barons', or like the leaders who had formerly arrived in another part of Gaul, namely Brittany, or in Welsh Llydaw.

1Here they founded many cities such as Rouen in the everlasting memory of Rodulfus, their first king, just as Rome had taken its name from Romulus and Rheims from Remus; furthermore he established many other towns, castles and

Gruffudd which relates to nobility on both his father's and his mother's side.


fuerat: 'Atque ut paulo longius progrediamur, aviae genus non ignobile rcre, Vaelco ae, faemin bilis siquidem Ragnel, mater Gruffini, filia erat praeno partis scilicet filiae Dunlugi, qui natus etiam erat Tethel regis Laginiae, quintae Hyberniae. 2Preterea Slani mater Auloed regis filia erat Riyeni regis Innen, Sutrilii regis quae Hybernie duas partes continebat. 3Gurmlach etiam mater

tres erat. *Haec [p. 8] Murchathum regem Laginiae patrem habit: cui ferunt regem um Sutric Innen, regem thum tate insignes fuisse, scilicet Dunca filios nobili


'And to go further, the ancestry of his maternal grandmother had not been ignoble: indeed Ragnell, the mother of Gruffudd, was the daughter of an

extremely noble woman, Vailcorere, daugherof Dunlang, who was also the son of Tethel, king of Leinster, a fifth part of Ireland. Furthermore, Slani, mother of king Olaf, was daugher of Ryen, king of Innen (Munster), which contained two fifths of Ireland. 3Gurmlach was the mother of king Sutric. Her father was Murchadh, king of Leinster, and they say he had three sons of outstanding

Dublinensem, atque Moelchelen regem Midif: suscepisse necnon tradunt filium. SErant Griffino Murcathum regem Laginiae ex hac regina Maelmordan

nobility: Dunchath, king of Innen (Munster), Sutric, king of Dublin, and Moelchel, king of Mide; furthermore, they say that Murchadh, king of Leinster, produced a son by that queen, namely Maelmorda. Gruffudd has two uterine

non habuit. cui similem vel pedum potestate vel saltandi peritia Hybernia 'Equum aluit multis nature dotibus ornatum cui ob egregias facultates < >

ni such great glory of bravery, that within fourteen days he subjugated (the) two parts of Ireland for himself.H e was something to be admired, like some great sea-monster, the like of which in speedof foot or skill at jumping Ireland did not possess. He bred a horse endowed with many gifts of nature who on account of its outstanding abilities he named Isliniach; the leap of each was

Mathgauyn, qui fratres duo uterini Ultoniae reges ambo, scilicet Ranald filii Hybe rnie binas im ordec tanta fortitudinis gloria precelluerit, ut intra dies quatu partes sibi subiugarit. Admirandum quoddam quasi monstrum marinumerat,

brothers, both kings of Ulster, namely Ranaldus mac Mathgamna, who excelled





Isliniach nomen indiderat; eiusdem dimensi utriusque saltus aestimabatur. *Comparandus hic quidem erat vel Cinnari Achillis vel Bucephalo Alex[p.

Achilles, or with Bucephalus of Alexander the Great. "The other brother of

judged to be of the same length. *It was to be compared with Cinnaris of

9Jandri imperatoris. °Alter Griffin frater, Ethminach Gawyn rex etiam Ultoniae

Gruffudd had also been a king of Ulster, Aed mac Mathgamna.



'Quum huc usque delibauimus generis nobilitatem, ea quoniam Griffinum humano quodam modo et secundum rerum terrenarum rationem attingit, opera pretium me facturum spero, si eius quasi caelestem prosapiam et divinum genus

exordiar de quo ut communi etiam cum alis hominibus ille psalterii versus testatur, 'Vos dii estis, et filii excelsi omnes', ita ut vere illud affirmetur, fuisse Griffinum Kynani, Kynanum Adae, Adam vero Dei filium.

§7 So far we have presented the nobility of his race, and that since it refers to

Gruffudd ni a human way and according to the reasoning of earthly matters, I hope that I shall be doing something worthwhile, if I shall set out his, as it were, heavenly pedigree and divine lineage, about whom in common with other men that verse of the psalter testifies: you are gods, and sons of the most high are

you all'; thus let ti be truly affirmed that Gruffudd was the son of Cynan, Cynan the son of Adam, and Adam the son of God.


'Quam celebris ergo habenda cum sit Griffini nobilitas cum terrena tum caelestis, sumamus illud Merlini Britannicorum facile principis oraculum, qui de Griftino sic prophetasse dicitur:

2Saltus ferinus presagitur venturus de mari, insidiaturus, cuius nomen corruptor multosque corrumpet'. Charissimi mihiCambri, quos fraterna [p. 10] dilectione complector, Griffinum cernitis cum terrena generis nobilitate, cum Merlini vaticinio commendatissimum:

festinandum itaque videtur, his tamenfeliciter iactis fundaments, ad eius praeclare

res gestas operaque magnifica, quae antiquorum more percurrere sumus polliciti non Diana, vel Apolline, sed ipso Christo auspice antico ac d . . .


'Since it is being considered how fine the nobility of Gruffudd is. both earthly and heavenly, let us take that well-known prophecy of Merlin, easily the chief of the British poets, who is said to have prophesied about Gruffudd: 2A fierce attacker is prophesied who will come from over the sea

intent on onslaught; his name si despoiler and he will despoil many.' Welshmen most dear to me,whom I embrace with fraternal affection, you see

Gruffudd with an earthly nobility of race, most commended by the prophecy of Merlin; and os it seems we should hasten forward, now that these basic facts have been happily set out, to his famous achievements and magnificentdeeds, which in the custom of the ancients we have undertaken to recount under the

guidance not of Diana or Apollo, but of Christ himself the ancient [.].

§9 'Cum itaque iam Gruffinus moribus esset excultus enutritus tenerrime, et

adolescentiae annos attingeret materna in domo interque cognatos, saepe illi solebat mater referre qualis, quantus eius pater extiterat, quam ampla < >, quamque celebre regnum debebatur, atque etiam quam crudelis iam tyrannus possideret. 'Quibus ille vocibus anxius, multoties [p. 111 animo subtristi multa secum versabat, tandem vero in curiam Murchathi regisprofectus, querelas apud eum et reliquos Hyberniae reges < > deposuit gravissimas, monstrando gentem extraneam ni eius paternam hereditatem dominari, humiliterque petendo, ut ei auxiliares copias subministrarent, quibus eam vel armis recuperaret.

3Consensum est in eius subsidium polliceturque quisque opportuno tempore suppetias ferre. *Quo responso laetus summas gratias Deo illisque egit.


'And so when Gruffudd was already cultivated in his habits, brought up most

gently, he was spending the years of his youth in his mother's home and among his relatives, his mother would often recount to him what kind of man his father

had been, and how great he had been, how rich his realm, and how famous a

kingdom was owed to him, and also how cruel a tyrant now held it. 2Upset by

these words, he would often turn these things over sadly in his mind, and ni the end he set out to the court of king Murchadh, and set his most serious complaints before him and the other kings of Ireland, showing that a foreign peoplewere ruling over his paternal inheritance, and seeking humbly that they should help him in providing auxiliary forces by which he might regain it even by force of

arms. 'It was agreed to help him, and each promised to provide help at the appropriate time. Overjoyed at this response he gave great thanks to God and to them






'Et quum expectatum tempus advenerat, naves extructas conscendit, vela dat ventis, marque Cambriam versus s< >, appulitque ni portum dictum Abermeney. Atque in Cambria t u n principatum gerbant iniuste ac indebite Trahaearn filius Caradoci et Kynwric filius Rhiwallon rex Powisiae in totam [p. 12] Venedociam, quam inter se sunt partiti. 'Ex hoc loco Griffinus nuntios misit ad homines Insulae Monae, et Arvoniae, et tres filios Merwyd ni Llino, scilicet Asserum, Meiriawn, et Gwrganum, aliosque viros, ut qua poterant celeritate, ei occurrerent. *Isti postposita omni cunctatione veniunt, salutant, adventus causas querunt. 'Quibus cum expossuisset vehementius ab illis contendebat, ut eum adiuvarent in hereditate paterna vindicanda (siquidem ad illum iure spectabat in illos dominari) atque ut arma secum caperent adversus eos, qui in

§10 'And when the awaited time arrived, he prepared the ships and boarded them, set sail, and ploughed a furrow through the sea to Wales, and put in at a port

called Abermenai. I n Wales at that time Trahaearn son of Caradog and Cynwrig son of Rhiwallon, king of Pows, were holding power unjustly and undeservedly over the whole of Gwynedd which they had divided between themselves. From

this place Gruffudd sent out messengers to the men of the island of Angelsey and of Arfon and to the three sons of Merwyd ni Lleyn, namely Asser, Meirion and Gwrgan, and to other men that they might come to meet him as quickly as they could. "They set aside all delay and came and greeted him and asked why

eius possessiones iniuste dominarentur, ex alis locis quasi adventitios. 6Ab hac congressione sic finita, concilioque h o secreto absoluto, Griffins

he had come. When had explained to them, he sought more urgently from them that they might help him to regain his paternal inheritance (certainly it was right for him to rule over them) and that they should take up arms with him against those who were ruling over his territory unjustly, as if newly arrived

rursum per mare iter arripit vel versus castrum Rudlan versus Robertum Baronem

from o t h e rparts.

nobilem et potentem, vel ad [p. 13] Hugonem Comitem Cestriae, ut auxilia vel

When he had finished this meeting, and this secret council was dispersed, Gruffudd set off by sea again either to the castle of Rhuddlan to the noble and powerful Baron Robert, or to Hugh, Count of Chester, to beg for help against the enemies ravaging his ancestral possessions. "After [Robert] had found out who he was and why he had come and what he was asking of him, he amicably

precibus impetraret aduersus hostes grassantes ni avitas ditiones. "Postquam vero cognovit Robertus quis esset, cuius causa adventasset, et quid ab o contenderet, pollicitus est se ei adiutoremfuturum. 4 adventus] advensus MS

promised to help him.



appellata, eius cognata, et uxor Lywarchi Olbiwch, ut eum (suum cognatum

'While he had been consulting these people, there came to Gruffudd a wise woman called Tangwystl, his kinswoman, and wife of Llywarch Olbiwch, to greet

existentem) salutaret, et omine quodam prediceret illi regnum. 'Itaque dono illi

him as a kinsman and to predict by a certain omen that the kingdom would be

obtulit camisiam perpulchram et quam < > optimam ex < > Griffiniap LIn. ap Seisill quondam regis contextam. 3Siquidem Lywarch eius maritus ni hoc

his. "And so she offered as a gift to him a very fine shirt, the best she had, and < > which had once belonged to Gruffudd, son of Llywelyn, son of Seisill, who had once been king. Indeed Llywarch, her husband, was held ni high regard in

'Dum istis consultaverat,

accessit ad Griffinum mulier sapiens Tangwystyl

castro magna estimatione habebatur, et a thesauris fuerat Griffino ap LIn.

this castle and had been in charge of the treasury for Gruffudd ap Llywelyn.

$12 'Hinc tandem conscensa navi Gruffinus in Aber Meney revertitur. Ex quo loco milites armatos (scilicet filios Merwydd) in Kelynauc et sanctuarium misit metu hominum [p. 141 Powisiae [... ...liorumque potentium cum…[ ...Jaginta

probatos quos [.. ...) Tegeinglia elegerat et ..[ .]si in cantredum Llyen, ut Kunwricum oppressorem depugnarent. 3Isti animose profecti, et in eum improviso securum et nihil expectantem p[...] impetum fecerunt, eumque et suorum maximam partemocciderunt. *In statione apud Abermeney consederat Gruffinus h o tempore, rei eventum expectando, et illis faelicia comprecando,

cum ecce precurrens iuvenis quidam Arvonensis, Anianus nomine, ut primus nuntium laetum portaret, scilicet occubuisse depopulatorem, praemiumque quasi


From here Gruffudd finally boarded ship and returned to the port of Abermenai. -From here he sent armed soldiers, namely the sons of Merwyd, to the sanctuary at Clynnog out of fear of the men of Powys a n do t h e rpowerful men with [...] chosen whom [..I had chosen from Tegeingl and [...I into the

cantred of Lleyn ni order to defeat the oppressor Cynwrig. 3Those men keenly set out a n d attacked him unexpectedly when he was free from worries and

expecting nothing [.] and killed him and a very large part of his men. At this time Gruffudd had settled in camp at Abermenai awaiting the outcome o f the venture and praying for their success, when behold a young man of Arfon, called Anian, came running ahead to be the first to deliver the good news,




omen reciperet, scilicet mulierem speciosam, Dylad vocatam, q u e concubina prius fuerat Bleddyni regis, quemadmodum olim iuvenis quidam Amalechita ex bello Philistino in montibus [p. 15] Gelboae ad David cucurrit,portans armillam et sceptrum Saulis regis cui David donavit laetus et < >. SIam reversi milites in expeditionem superiorem victoria missi ovantes. persuadent Griffino, ut ex hoc omine progrederetur ad recuperandam Monam, Arvoniam, Lleynam, et Angliae conterminos ut populi sui submissionem acceptaret, totamque Venedociam illi haereditario iure debitam circuiret, quam misericors illi Deus iam obtulerat lustrare. °Hiis gestis exercitum copiosum in cantredum Meirioneth ducit ubi Trahaern male possessorum alter habitabat pugnaque commissa est in loco vallis Kyning,


namely that the ravager had fallen, and to claim his reward as a boon, namely a beautiful woman, called Dylad, who had previously been the concubine of king Bleddyn, just as once a young Amalechite ran to David from a battle with the

Philistines in the mountains of Gilboa carrying the armband and sceptre of king Saul, and David gladly gave him and < >. N o w the soldiers who had been sent on the aforesaid mission returned

proclaiming their victory and they persuaded Gruffudd that he should move forward from this good omen to recover Anglesey, Arfon, Lleyn and those territories on the border with England, that he should accept the submission of his people, and that he should make a circuit of the whole of Gwynedd owed to

him by hereditary right, which God in his mercy towards him had now offered

Cambrice dicta Gwaeterv, vel ager sanguinis, in hunc usque diem. 'Deus illi

to him to purge.

victoriam concessit e tempore de inimicis suis decideruntque multi ex parte Trahaerni; [p. 161 qui et ipse cumpaucis vix elapsusaufugit incol...] (conservatus)

With this done he led his large army into the cantred of Meirionydd where Trahaearn, the other of the usurpers, lived, and a battle was fought in the valley of Kyning, called ni Welsh Gwaederw, or bloody field, to this day. 'God granted

ex bello: quem Gruffinus c u m exercitu per deserta et montes usque a dfi n e s

patriae suae persequutus est. Post hanc pugnam Griffini nomen percrebuit: rex

him victory at that time over his enemies, and many o nTrahaearn's side fell: he

Venedotiae publice salutabatur, qui quasi gigas ad currendam viam < >afferens

himself saved from the battle [...] scarcely escaped with a few men, and Gruffudd

oppressam posset liberare: quomodo ludas Maccabaeus terram Israel a

boundaries of his country. After this battle the name of Gruffudd grew in fame: he was publicly hailed as king of Gwynedd, like a champion running a race and he was surrounded by great rejoicing because he hadbeen able to free Gwynedd which had been oppressed by cruel and pagan lords; just as Judas

summa laetitia circumfusus est, quod Venedotiam a iniquis et paganis dominis

dominatione regum infidelium et gentibusconterminis liberasset, in eos irruendo saepissime. 9Itaque rebus ad hunc modum peractis, caepit regnum iure regere, populum pacificare, uniuersaque virga ferrea attamen ni domino gubernare. •Gwaeterv] gwaeter MS. 8 percrebuit] percrebruit MS

pursued him with his army through deserts and mountains right up to the

Machabaeus had freed the land of Israel from the domination of unbelieving

kings and from neighbouring tribes by attacking them incessantly. And so when matters were completed in this way, he began to rule the kingdom by

right, to bring peace to the people, and to govern everything ni the Lord yet even so with a rod of iron.

§13 'Tempore iam modico elapso, proborum hominum suasu, exercitum recollegit numerosum perrexitque versus castrum Rudlan, ut cum Roberto castri custode et aliis Francis pugnaret, qui modo illuc ex [p. 17] Anglia deducti in confinia Venedotiae ad habitandum commigrarent. 2Cum vero signo dato exercitum e castris eduxerat, cuncta vastat, ac incendit, spolia quam opima domum referens.

3Equites illi loricati galeatique < > complures, lapsi ex equis ni illa pugna ceciderunt, multi etiam peditum: ac vix pauci Gallorum in Turrim salvi sese receperunt incolumes. Postquam reges, barones, cognatique Griffini in Hybernia res ab eo prosperime gestas accepissent, ut qui apud eos natus et enutritus fuerat, eius fortunae congratulabantur.

§13 1When some time has elapsed, by the persuasion of the nobles, he regathered his large army and marched towards the castle of Rhuddlan to fight with Robert, the warden of the castle, and the other French, who at some time had been brought there from England and were migrating to live within the boundaries

of Gwynedd. When the signal was given and he led his army out from the camp, laid waste and burnt everything taking home extremely rich spoils. 'Many of their armoured and helmeted cavalry fell from their horses and perished in the battle, and many of the infantry too; and barely a few of the Gauls safely retreated to the tower unharmed. After the kings, barons, and Gruffudd's kinsmen in Ireland heard that matters had t u r n e dout very well for

him, they welcomed his good fortune as one who had been born and reared a m o n g them.







'At tres illi filii Merwydd, virique Lleyn universi, ni Griffinum dominum suum legitimum insurrexerunt, et n o t e quadam intempesta, ex equitibus Hybernis et

familia Gruffini, qui apud eos diversabantur, quinquaginta duos occiderunt.

2Cum huius discordiae inter Griffinum ac suos subditos fama ad Trahaern

pervenisset, statim ille (p. 18] Powisiae incolas adit rogatque ut secum adversus

Venedotiam ni ultionem mortis Kynwrici consanguinei sui cum expeditis

militibus proficiscerentur. 3Hinc Gwrgeneus filius Caecili et regulus Powisiae eiusque cohors una cum Trahaerno eiusque cohorte ad subiugandum Griffini

regnum veniunt. "Quod ubi tres filii Merwydd, virique Llyen et Evionyth

Griffinum audivissent, ut periuri, foedifragi et hostium fautores. prodere

dominum suummeditantur hostiumque ductores fiunt. Simili se flagitio inquinarunt duo fratres de Mona, Theodorus scilicet et Gollwynus, accepto

tamen prius a Griffino Kellinawe vawr. Proditione hac cognita hostiumque

adventu, Griffinus de Mona Arvonia, una cum Danmarcis et Hybernis quos

potuit, deduct secum in hostes. 'Fit bellum crudele et atrox; utrimque 'decertatum est acerrime. *At de exercitu Gruffini interfecti complures iacebant,

captique in praelio nonnulli. 'Scilicet, Keritus, nutritius, Varudri princes excelsus divi Hybernorum [p. 19] et dominus Cruc Brendan (mons ille est



novem cantredos circumiacentes

habens) et


optimatibus M o n a septuaginta occubuerunt. 1Adhuc tamen Griffinus equo

insidens inter confertissimos hostes gladio mortifero quasi metere proditores ac inimicos videtur, non aliter atque Agamemnon rex Frigiae olim proeliabatur.

1ITandem cum Theodorus Monensis proditorum caput stricto gladio visus sit

Griffinum ex posteriori ephippii parte interficere, Gwyneus Baro etiam

Monensis eum e proelio aufert ut ad naves deducat, quae in port Abermeney

abierunt: erant a quo in Insulam Adron (quae et focarum insula dicitur) indeque in LIwchgarmawn in Hyberniam pertransierunt. 12Illa vero insulae

pars (in quo depugnatum) usque ad hunc Bron yr Erw, vel Erwyr Alt, vocitatur.

31 Nemo miretur has humanarum rerum vicis[p. 20]situdines, ut interdum causa est. vincere, interdum fugere sit necesse: proditio siquidem cum prims

14Sic enim ni manus Demetrii regis infidelis populus Israeliticus ludam Maccabeum regem ac principem suum tradiderunt: verum Bellator hic Dei, ut gygas vel leo seipsum ultus est ni utrosque. Julius Caesar qui continuis bellis

orbem terrarum sibi subiugarat, a senatoribus Romanis ni ipso Capitolio Romano proditione ac pugionibus confoditur. 1Arthurs etiam regum totius

Britanniae rex praenobilis et fama nunquam intermoritura dignus duodecim

bella contra Saxones ac Pictos gessit. I n quorum primo fuss fugatusque erat

ex proditione in civitate Llwyd Coet quae et LIwyn Llwyt dictur. 18At in

6 adventu] adventus MS. II

I luchg o r m o w n l ll w c h g a r m a w MS (suspension mark o m i t t e d ) .

'But the three sons of Merwydd and all the men of Lleyn rose up against their legitimate ruler, Gruffudd, and in the middle of one night they killed fifty-two

of the Irish cavalry and warband of Gruffudd who were lodged among them. 2When news of this discord which had arisen between Gruffudd and h i sown people reached Trahaearn, he immediately approached the men of Powys and asked that they gather their soldiers and set out with him to Gwynedd to avenge the death of Cynwrig their kinsman. From there, Gwrgenau, s o nof Caecilius, and a sub-king of Powys and his warband came with Trahaearn and his warband to subjugate the kingdom of Grufudd. +When the three sons of

Merwydd and the men of Lleyn and Eifionydd heard this, like perjurers, treatybreakers and helpers of the enemy, they plotted the fall of their master

Gruffudd and became guides for the enemy. Two brothers from Anglesey, namely Tudur and Gollwyn, likewise joined the plot even though they had received Clynnog Fawr from Gruffudd. When Gruffudd realized their treachery and that the enemy was coming, he brought with him men from that part of Anglesey facing Arfon together with as many Danes and Irish as he could against the enemy. "There was a bloody and fierce battle and ti was fought out very fiercely on both sides. But out of Gruffudd's army many lay killed and some were captured ni battle. *Ceryd, his foster-father, mac Ruaidri, prince of the Irish and lord of Cruc Brendan (that is the lofty mountain of St

Brendan the hermit, which is surrounded by nine cantreds), and seventy nobles of Anglesey fell. 1Gruffudd, however, was still sitting on his horse among the tightly packed enemy and looked as fi he was harvesting traitors and enemies with his death-dealingsword, just like Agamemnon, the king of Phrygia, once used to fight. Finally when Tewdwr of Anglesey, the chief traitor, drew his sword and seemed to kill Gruffudd from the rear part of his saddle, Gwyncu, also a lord of Anglesey, carried him from the battle to lead him off to the ships

which were in the port of Abermenai from where they went away to the island of Adron (which is also called the islandof seals); and from there theycrossed to Wexford in Ireland. 12That unfortunate place (where they were defeated) is called to this day Bron yr Erw or Erw yr Allt.

31No one should be surprised at the changes ni human fortunes that sometimes it is necessary to win and sometimes to flee: indeed usually the cause is treachery. 14For in this way the unfaithful people of Israel delivered Judas

Macabaeus, their king and leader, into the hands of Demetrius, the king; Judas, however, this warrior of God, like a giant or a lion avenged himself on both.

51Julius Caesar who had subjugated the whole world by continuous warfare was assassinated by treachery and daggers by the senators of Rome on the

Capitolium itself. Even Arthur, the outstandingly noble king of the kings of

the whole of Britain, worthy of undying fame, waged twelve wars against the Saxons and the Picts. I n the first of these he had been totally routed by




reliquis de Saxonibus < > subditorum suorum oppressoribus poenas dignas sumpsit, cui ne seni quidem resistere potuerunt.


treachery in the country of Llwyd Coed, which is also called LIwyn Llwyd. 18But in the remaining battles he took worthy vengeance against the Saxons and the Picts, the oppressors of his own subjects, and they couldnot resist him even as an old man.

§15 [p. 21] 'At Griffinus in Hyberniam appulsus de proditoribus oppressoribusque acerbissime conquestus est coram regibus principibusque qui tanta indignitate

commoti persuadere conantur, ut statim in patriam iam reparatus rebusque necessariis instructis reverteretur. ?Quorum vocibus acquiescens cum triginta navibus Hybernorum Danorumque militibus plenis mare profundum

sulcantibus in patrium solum vehitur, portumque Abermeney occupat, ubi Trahaern dominantem reperit. Qui audito classis regiae adventu, cepit tristitia affici, suspiria alta ducere, timore et tremore contabescere. *Qui itaque illi in Llyen et Ardudwy favebant, pecunias suas secum deducentes transmigrare fecit

in cantredum Meirionyth quem eorum opere aequificerat, cum ex adverso eiusque exercitus Griffinus partem reliquam in LIven et Arvonia in M o n a m

transportat, ut securi in eus tutela acquiescerent. SAt indignati cives domesticique eius, quod promissa illis non sint persoluta, maximam Monae


'But after Gruffudd had been driven to Ireland he complained most bitterly

about his betrayers and oppressors before the kings and leaders, and they upset by such a great injustice tried to persuade him to arrange all the necessary

resources and, then restored, to return immediately to his land. 'Agreeing with their views, with thirty ships full of Irish and Viking soldiers ploughing a furrow across the deep sea he returned to his native soil, and he seized the port

of Abermenai, where he found Trahaearn ruling. 3When Trahaearn heard of

the arrival of the royal fleet, he began to be overcom e by sadness, to give out

deep sighs, and to waste away in fear and trembling. "Those who supported him in Lleyn and Ardudwy he made them move bringing their wealth with them

into the cantred of Meirionydd which by their labours he had laid low, while Gruffudd transported the remaining part of his army in Lleyn and Arfon across from the opposite side to Anglesey so that they mightremain secure

partem [p. 22] depopulati sunt, ac ni patriam reverti navibus spolis onustis tentant; ipsumque invito secum auferunt. Nec fuit haec civium suorum ad

under his protection. But the companions and his servants became angry that his promises to them had not been fulfilled and plundered most of Anglesey

Griffinum opprimendum proditio remissior, quam illa prius Cambrorum.

and attempted to return to their country with their ships laden with spoils, and

2 sulcantibus] sultantibus MS.

they took him with them, even though he was unwilling to g o . And this betrayal by his own companions was no more easy to bear for the oppressed

5 depopulati] de . . . V. . . MS

Gruffudd than that betrayal previously by theWelsh. §16 'Hinc mala innumera in Venedotia pullularunt. 2Ad has miserias accessit: paulo post Hugo Comes Cestrie, alique < >

ductoribus, scilicet Robertus Rutlandiae, Gwarinus Salopiae, Gwalterus Herefordiae comites, exercitum amplissimum equitum peditumque collegerunt, comitantibus etiam Gwrgenev ap Seisill, virisque Powisiae, et per montium

iuga in Llyen usque pervenerint. In quo cantredo ubi castra per hebdomadam posuissent, omnia longe lateque depopulantur, fundunt, fugant, et plena cadaveribus relinquunt, adeo ut octo annorum spacio pro deserto regio illa haberetur; populusque tanta clade relictus miseria hac coactusquasi in alienas terras dispersus, cuius maxima pars durissimam servientur servitutem alibi, et vix quisquam in patriam vnquam reversus est. [p. 23] Fuerat prima clades a

Normannis illata, primusque eorum in Venedotiam ingressus, postquam ni Angliam advenerint. haberetur] habebaretur MS


IThen, countless evils arose in Gwynedd. 2To these misfortunes was added the following: a little afterwards, Hugh, earl of

Chester and other war leaders, namely Robert of Rhuddlan, Guarin of Shrewsbury and Walter of Hereford, collected a very large army of cavalry and infantry, and accompanied also by Gwrgenau ap Seisill, and the men of Powys,

came through the mountain passes to reach Lleyn. 'They placed their camp in

that cantred for a week, and then plundered, routed and put to flight everything far and wide and left everywhere full of corpses to the extent that for the following eight years that region was regarded as a desert; and the populace abandoned after such a great disaster was forced by this misfortune as fi scattered in a foreign land and most of them served out their harshest slavery elsewhere and scarcely any of them ever returned to their native land. T h a t was

the first disaster inflicted by theNormans and their first entry into Gwynedd after they arrived in England.




§17 !Cum iam annis nonnullis in Hybernia Griffinus trivisset curiam < > apud

Diermit regem et alios viros illustres, classem in portu Porthlare rebus instruxit ad iter necessaris, quam dono regis acceptam civibus Hybernis ac Britannis

onustam duxit prosperrimo per mare cursu, adspirantibus etiam secundis ventis in portum dictum Porth Cleis non longe a sede archiepiscopali Menevensi. ?Ad cuius adventum Rysus ap Theodvr, rex australium Cambrorum, Menevensis episcopus, doctores, chorus universus Sancti Davidis, clericique omnes Menevenses, in portum sunt profecti Rysusque Griffinum sic est allocutus:

3'Salve, Cambrorum regum rex, ad et confugio; tibi genua flecto supplex auxilium suppetiasque petens'.

"Tum Griffinus, 'Quis es tu et cuius huc

advenisti causa?' SRysus inquit, 'Sum filius Theodori huius modicae ditionis dominus: [p. 24] nunc vero oppressus, profugus, et interritus, ni sacro hoc

delitesco loco'. "Quis', ait Griffinus, te' ni hoc fugere coegit?""*Domine', inquit

ille, 'tres Cambriae reges precipui, cum exercitibus suis in hune principatum


§17 1When for some years Gruffudd had spent time < > at the court of king Diarmait and other nobles, he drew up a fleet in the port of Porthlarg with the equipment necessary for a voyage, and he led this fleet, which he had accepted as a gift from the king, laden with Irishmen and Britons on a very prosperous

sea voyage; with favourable winds he put into the port called Porth Clais not far from the seat of the archbishop of St Davids. 2Upon his arrival Rhys ap Tewdwr, king of the southern Welsh, the bishop of St David's, scholars and the

whole choir of St David's, and all theclerics of St David's, set out to the port, and Rhys addressed Gruffudd as follows. Hail, king of the kings of Wales, I take refuge with you; I bend my knee as a suppliant to you seeking your help and support.' *And Gruffudd replied, 'Who are you and for whose sake have I am the son of Tewdwr, lord of this small realm; now indeed you come here?" S oppressed, ni exile, and fearful, and I am lying hidden in this holy place.' 'Who', said Gruffudd, 'has forced you to flee here?" "Lord', he said, 'three kings

delati, cives assidue opes exhauriunt'. "At quinam', ait Griffinus, 'tam potentes reges, qui hanc pervagantur dominationem tanta multitudine constipati?'. "'Caradocus', inquit ille, 'filius Griffini de Guenta vch coet et si coet, cum

of Wales in particular who come into this realm with their armies and their

asseclis suis, incolae Morgannvc, una cum Normannis, et Trahaearn rex cum

these so powerful kings who wander about this kingdom accompanied by such a crowd?' "Caradog, son of Gruffudd, of Upper and Lower Gwent with his

habitantibus Arwystli'. Auditis vero nominibus oppressorum, ira indignationeque

followers, the inhabitants of Morgannwg, together with the Normans, and king

aestuans Griffinus quaerit quodnam illi laboris praemium constitueret, si hostes eius oppugnaret. "Dimidium', inquit, 'ditionis meae tibi dabo, homagiumque tibi praestabo'. 12Conditionem accepit Griffinus. 31Aedemque Divi Davidi sacram ambo petunt, cum orandi tum foderis gratia. 31 Divil D. MS

§18 'Quo confirmato (p. 25] benedictioneque ab episcopo accepta, statim Griffinus iter accepit sequentibus eum Danis, Hybernis, amicisque alis ad numerum centum sexaginta, agmen primum ductante Kyndelw filius < > Monensis. 2Resus etiam cum perpaucis australibus laetus simul proficiscitur, perbelle secum actum cogitans, quod tam opportunum auxilium est nactus. 3Longo iam itinere dimenso ad vesperam in montes perveniunt, ubi castra posuissent praedicti reges. "Tum Resus Griffinum sic est allocutus: 'Domine,

differamus bellum ni crastinum, quod iam advesperascit'. "Differ', inquit Griffinus, 'quousque tibi placuerit, ego vero cum ea, quam paratam manum habeo, in eos impetum faciam'.Quod, ut dixerat, praestabat. 'Terrore ingenti continentur reges, stupentque dum copias Griffini faeroces, constipata militum

companions drain our resources endlessly.' "But who', asked Gruffudd, a' re

Trahaearn with the people of Arwystli.' 10When he heard the names of the oppressors, seething with anger and rage Gruffudd asked what reward he would

offer for his efforts, if he were to attack his enemies. I*I shall give you, he said, 'half of my kingdom, and I shall offer you homage. 12Gruffudd accepted the arrangements.Both made for the church sacred to St David and prayed for their agreement.

§18 1When this was confirmed and a blessing received from the bishop, Gruffudd immediately set off accompanied by Danes, Irish and other friends to the number of one hundred and sixty, the head of the column led by Cynddelw, , of Anglesey. "Rhys also with a few southernersjoyfully set

off at the same time, thinking to himself that this was a fine undertaking because he had gained such timely help. 3After a long journey near evening they reached the mountains where the above mentioned kings had placed their camp. "Then Rhys said to Gruffudd, 'Lord, let us put off the battle until tomorrow as ti is now getting dark. ' SPut it off', replied Gruffudd, 'for as long you like, but I shall attack with the force I

have ready.' And he did so, just as he said. "The kings wereovercome with great

agmina, splendentia vexilla, Danos bipennibus armatos, Hybernos iacula

terror and were stunned as they saw the fierce forces of Gruffudd, the dense

primus irruit, non secus ac gigas vel leo cuncto gladio inimicos prosternens,

columns of soldiers, the gleaming standards, the Danes armed with twoheaded axes, and the Irish carrying iron-tipped spears.'Gruffudd himself was

ferreis cuspidibus ferentes conspiciunt. [p. 26] 8Ipse vero Griffinus proelium




milites suos animose ni hostes provocans, et ne terga adversaris darent

the first to rush into battle, just like a giant o ra lion laying low enemies with every blow of his sword, furiously calling forward his soldiers against the enemy and


exhortans. 'Fit bellum atrox et cruentum in quo ne filius quidem patri pepercit.

1°Clamor militum in caelum usque ascendit: resonare visa est terra fremitu equorum ac peditum: pugnaces voces longe lateque exaudiuntur, strepitus armorum ingens fuit. Tanta strages facta est, dum Griffin exercitus hostes suos subiugarent, ut sudoris et sanguinis flumina decurrisse putarentur. 12Tandem Trahaern effusis visceribus transfoditur, et in terram pronus deiectus, quasi herbas viventibus carpere dentibus ex armis visus est. 3Cuius cadaver ut carnem suillam in lardum Gucharki Hybernus sale conduerat; h o in loco ceciderunt

de familia eius equites 25 quasi eum stipantes, ali vero primo agmine [p. 27] multa praeterea millia interficiuntur, reliquorum nonnulli terga verterunt, in fugam se precipitarunt. I+Griffinus ex consueta vincendi experientia cos per sylvas, valles, paludes, et montes tota note, lucente luna, persequitur ut ex

urging then not to turn their backs to the enemy. 'It was a savage and fierce

battle in which not even a son spared his father. T h e shouting of the soldiers rose to the heavens; the earth seemed to resound with the thunder of horses and

infantry; violent cries were heard far and wide and the crashing of weapons was terrible to hear. 'So great a slaughter occurred, while the army of Gruffudd was defeating his enemy, that rivers of sweat and blood was thought to have flowed down. 12In the end Trahaearn was pierced through spilling h i sentrails,

lying face down on the ground and seemed as if disarmed he were eating the grass with his living teeth. 13Gwcharki the Irishman had preserved his body in salt like pork being turned into bacon; in this place there fell of his household twenty-five horsem*n as if accompanying him and others in the front rank;

tanto numero vix unus aliquis in patriam sit reversus.

many thousands ni addition were killed, and of the remainder some turned and

SI Ab hoc bello terribili fortiter per Griffinum confecto, Resus subduxit sese a tutela et societate uni tam illustris nec in eius conspectum se postea < >. | Q u a

pursued them through forests, valleys, marshes and mountains throughout the

perfidia commotus Griffinus eius ditionem depopulari constituit, quod et factum est. 17Montes autem ni quibus h o bellum gestum est, incolae montes Carn appellant, quod ibi lapidum ingens cumulus congestus sit, sub quo

thesauros absconditos olim opinantur. I8Postquam vero hane regionem maxima clade depopulationeque funditus devastasset, in Arwistlensem pagum copias

duxit, in quo cede et flamma desaeviens, uxoribus virginibusque eorum in captivitatem [p. 28] tractis Trahaerni iniurias rursum in illarum capita persolvit. 1Postremo ni Powisiam se contulit, ubi summa crudelitate in hostes usus est, adeo ut nec ecclesiis pepercerit.2'Ita tandem inimicis omnibus fusis < >

plunged into headlong flight. *Gruffudd, as was his usual habit ni victory, night by the light of the moon so that out of such a great number scarcely one return ed to his own countr y.

15 After this terrible battle so bravely fought by Gruffudd, Rhys withdrew himself from the protection and company of one so illustrious and was afterwards not seen by him. Gruffudd upset by his treachery decided to ravage his land, and that is also what h a p p e n e d .The mountains where this battle was

fought are called by the locals the mountains of Carn, because a huge pile of stones was heaped up there under which they believe that treasure had once been buried. 18After he had completely devastated this region with the greatest

gavisa est.

plundering and ravaging, he led his forces into the territory of Arwystli where, raging with slaughter and fire, he dragged their wives and daughters off into captivity and again avenged the wrongs done by Trahaearn with their lives.

01 fremitul fremitum MS

against his enemies to the extent that he did not even spare the churches. 2And

terraque eorum in solitudinem redacta, in paternam hereditatem honorifice susceptus < > regebat Venedotiaque summa tranquillitate ad aliquod spacium

19Finally. he himself went off into Powys where he employed the greatest cruelty

so with all his enemies finally routed, and their lands reduced totally to desert, he was received with honour into his paternal inheritance and began to rule, and Gruffudd enjoyed the greatest tranquillity for some time. $19 'Dum ad h u n modum Griffinus regni sui delicis frueretur, Meiriawnus Rufus

Baro illi fidelitate obstrictus, eum coram Hugone comite Cestriae maliciose non solum accusavit, sed prodidit sic. ?Duos Francos Hugonem scilicet prius nominatum, et Hugonem Salopiae filium Roger de castro Baldwini persuasit ut equites peditesque secum usque locum R e dictum in Edeirnyon ducerent.

3Tum proditor his adulatoris verbis eum decepit: 'Salutant te', inquit,

'princes magnifice, comites duoillustres, qui tibi vicini [p. 29] in terminis regni


While Gruffudd was enjoying the delights of his kingdom in this way, the baron Meirion Goch though bound by loyalty towards him not only brought a malicious accusation against him before Hugh, earl of Chester, but also betrayed

him in the following way. H e persuaded the two earls, the afore-mentioned Hugh and Hugh of Shrewsbury, son of Roger of Baldwin's Castle, to bring cavalry and infantry with them ni great numbers to the place called Y Rug in Edeirnion. Then the traitor deceived him with these flattering words: "Two




habitant. 'Hii summo a te contendunt, ut apud Rue in Edeirnion ad colloquendum venire digneris, interposita sponsione eundi redeundique salve'. 'Huius vocibus

borders of your kingdom. *In short, they beg you to think ti right to come to


fidem adhibens Griffinus, ni illum sui principatus locum profectus, ut ni conspectum comitum venerat, comprehendi eum mandarunt, et in publica foetentique custodia Cestriae ferreis catenis devinctum annis duodecim tenuerunt. Famulos vero eius tum etiam captos, amputatis singulorum pollicibus dextris,

inhumanius afflictos, liberos dimiserunt. "Ali audito tanto facinore, in varias

regiones sunt dispersi, non aliter atque illud divinum oraculum habeat: 'Percutiam pastorem, et dispergentur oves gregis'

noble earls greet you, magnificent prince, who live sa your neighbours on the

speak with them at Y Rug ni Edeirnion, with a guarantee of safe passage ni both directions.' Gruffudd, putting his trust ni these words set out for that place ni his kingdom, and when he came into the view of the earls. they ordered

that he be arrested and they held him bound in iron chains in a foul public

prison in Chester for twelve years. As for his servants who were captured with

him, they were sent away free after being treated inhumanely in that they had the thumbs of their right hands chopped off. When others heard of this great

deed, they scattered ni various directions, just like thedivine oracle had it: I' shall strike the shepherd and the sheep of the flock s h a l l be scattered.'


| Coaetanei Griffini retulerunt eum fuisse stature mediocris, capillis flavis.

capite calido, face rotunda, et formosi coloris, oculis decenter latis, supercilis perpulchris, barba decora, collo subrotundo, carne candida, membris robustis,

digitis longis, [p. 30] tibis rectis, et speciosis pedibus; doctrinae fuerat perpolitus

et externarum linguarum excellens; in milites clementem et munificum, ni hostes magnanimum, in proeliis fortissimum. 821

'Interim Hugo Comes Cestriae in ditionem eius copias duces non postposuit, castella aliaque presidia diversis ni locis edificari curavit, Francorum more, quo et terrae illi dominaretur."Hoc tempore castellum in Mona constituit,

aliud ni Arvon ni antiqua urbe Constantini imperatoris fili Constanti Magni, aliud apud Bangor, aliudque in Meirionyth: ni quibus ad < > equites, pedites, sagittariosque posuit tantaque crudelitate usus est, quantam nulla unquam aetas viderat. 3At populorum clamor ad Deum ascendebat, ipseque illis opportuno tempore subsidium tulit.

§22 'Siquidem post sedecim annorum spacium e carcere Griffinus liberatus est, idque evenit sic: iuvenis quidam Eiderniensis Kynwricus Hir nomine una cum sodalico modico Cestriam veniens [p. 31] ad necessaria comenda, conspicit

forte in palatio civitatis vinctum suum regem, quem in amplexibus abreptum clam e civitate subduxit, iterque in patriam vespere conatur, civibus iam

caenantibus, atque domi apud se tacitus diebus nonnullis aluit. 'Quibus elapsis valetudineque recuperata, latenter noctu Griffinum in Monam deduxit, ubi Sandef ap Ayre clanculum defensit < >. 3Verum non multo post, conscensa

navi, in Hyberniam transfretare tentavit. *At ventus adversus eum in portum Hodni in australibus partibus Walliae coegit. 'Inde pedestri itinere pergens novem sibi familiarissimis comitatus (quorum nonus ibi occubuit), tribus


'Contemporaries of Gruffudd reported that he was a man of moderate stature, with fair hair, a clever head, a round face, o fgood colour, eyes properly borne,

fine eyebrows and a good beard, a round neck, fair skin, strong limbs, long

fingers, straight legs, and comely feet; he was very polished ni his education and

outstanding at foreign languages; towards his soldiers he was kind and

generous, towards his enemies spirited, and very brave ni battle. 821

Meanwhile, Hugh, earl of Chester, did not delay ni leading forces into his lands, and had castles and other garrisons built in various places ni the French custom so that he might control that land. 'At this time he established a castle on Anglesey, another in Aron in the ancient city of the emperor Constantine,

son of Constantine the Great, and another at Bangor, and another in Meirionydd;

to < > he placed in them cavalry, infantry and archers and he employed such

cruelty as no age had ever seen. But the cries of the peoples rose to God, and to them He a tan appropriate time brought help.

§22 Then after a period of sixteen years Gruffudd was freed from prison, and it came about in the following way. A certain young man of Edeirnion, called Cynwrig Hir, came to Chester with a small group of companions to buy

supplies, and by chance he caught sight of his king in chains in the palace of the city, and he grabbed him ni his arms and secretly smuggled him from the city, and by night he attempted the journey to his own country while the citizens were having dinner, and then for some days he tended to him at home

without telling anyone. After a few days had elapsed and he had recovered his

strength, he took Gruffudd to Anglesey secretly by night, where Sandef ap

Ayre looked after him ni hiding. 'Then not long after, he boarded a ship and attempted to cross over to Ireland. But a contrary wind forced him into the





vicibus uno eodemque die cum praesidiaris militibus illius regionis pugnavit, terque eos superavit, quum octo tantum illi superessent comites unumque ipse

ex adversaris generis nobilitate praestantem interfecit,

sicque ex illorum

manibus evasit.

"Iter hoc in Ardudwy usque confirmavit, incertus [p. 32] quo pergeret, ne proderet Francs. "Tandem filii Collwini, Eginir, Gellan, Merwyd, Edenyved eum ad se receperunt, rebusque necessaris in solitudinis latibulis sustentarunt. 'At diebus mensibusque transeuntibus cum sexaginta viris illi adhaerentibus, per Venedociam quasi erro quidam diversa loca circumiuit damna inferenda non

modica quousque Hugo Comes vixit: ut olim David filius Isai Bethlaeemita ni terra ludaea tempore Saulis regis. "Cum vero Franci, qui in castellis morabantur,eum tanta mala machinantem senserant, ipsi milites in defensionem patriae relicti, eum per sylvas, perque

agros, ut canes venatici cervum indagare et persequi student.*Itaque sublata omni spe evadendi, n a v e canonicorum Aberdaron conscendit, in qua remigum importunis laboribus in Hyberniam tandem pervenit. Inde infra mensem

reversus ni eadem puppi, ni flumine a quo solvebat [p. 33] stationem reperit.

port of Hoddni in south Wales. From there travelling on foot accompanied by nine of his closest companions (one of which perished there), he fought with the military garrisons of that area three times in one and the same day, and three times he defeated them, and when there were only those eight companions left, he himself killed one of the enemy of high, noble birth, and thus he escaped from their hands. (He continued on this journey as far as Ardudwy, though uncertain as to

where he might go lest a Frenchman might betray him. 'Finally the sons of Collwyn, Eginir, Gellan, Merwyd and Ednyfed took him ni and supported him

ni deserted hiding places with hte necessary supplies. *After some days and months sixty men joined him and he travelled through various parts of Gwynedd like a runaway slave inflicting serious losses as long as earl Hugh

lived, just like David, son of Jesse of Bethlehem, in the land of Judaea in the time of King Saul.

"But when the French, who were staying within their castles, realized that he was plotting great misfortune, the soldiers themselves left to defend the land sought and pursued him keenly through woods and fields like hunting dogs

pursuing a stag. lAnd so giving up all hope of evading them, he boarded a ship

belonging to the canons of Aberdaron in which after a huge effort of rowing he finally reached Ireland. F r o m there within a month he returned in the same

ship and found a landing at the river from which he had set sail.

§23 A ' qua in insulas Daniae maturiori capto consilio ad Gothreum regem familiarem suum adnavigavit, ut ab o naves aliaque ad res suas necessaria impetraret. "Quoque primis suis temporibus ad eum confugerat, confisus se subsidia accepturum. 3Cuius adventum contristatus rex compati atque condolere crebris eius miseriis coepit. +Ad extremum Griffinus cum classe sexaginta navium Monam appulit, ut cum Francis castella tutantibus ipse, quique cum eo

ex insulis devenerant, proeliatur. SAt incolae summo illi impedimento fuere. Bellum gestum est saevum et crudele ab aurora usque ad vesperam, multique

utrinque caeciderunt, quique animo forti praestabant in primo impetu. "Tum Griffinus in confertissimos hostes prorupit, seque in primum a m e n dat, ut

Francos loricatos, galeatos bipennibusque armatos prosterneret, ut David rex inter Philisthaeos. Nox proelium diremit, navesque in insulas sunt [p. 34] profectae. At ipse ni quandam insulam (quae Dinieuyt vocatur) cum una solummodo navi secessit, ex qua navem e Cestrensiportu vectam occisis nautis depraedatus e s t ac postero die Lleyn versus vela dans, in portum Nevin salvus cum suis omnibus intravit. 1Ouod ubi ad cantredorum incolas fama detulisset, convolarunt statim ex singulis regni partibus, qui ad principis sui obsequia

obstricti tenebantur, homines de Lleyn, Evyonyd, Ardydwy, Aron, Ros, ac Dyffryn Clwyt. "Collecto sic ingenti exercitu confirmatus Griffins, perlegente


'From there after adopting a more thoughtful plan he sailed to the islands of

Denmark to his friend, king Godfrey, to get from him ships and other things

necessary for his affairs. "In his youth he had also taken refuge with him and he was confident that he would get support. The king saddened by his arrival

began to sympathize and condole with his many sufferings. *Finally, Gruffudd came to Anglesey with a fleet of sixty ships so that he himself and those who had come with him from the islands might wage war against the French

garrisoning the castles. But the inhabitants proved a verygreat obstacle for

him. A battle was fought savage and cruel from dawn till dusk and many fell on both sides and especially in the first clash those who were outstanding in bravery. "Then Gruffudd rushed forward into the most densely packed part of the enemy and placed himself in the front line, so that he might lay low the French in their armour, their helmets and armed with two-headed axes, like King David among the Philistines. Night halted the battle and theships set off for the islands.But he himself took himself off separately in only one ship to a certain island (which is called Dinewyd from where he plundered a ship sailing from the port of Chester and killed the sailors, and on the next day sailing for Lleyn he safely entered the port of Nefyn with all his men. 10When the news of

this reached the inhabitants of the cantreds, they immediately rushed to him




eum Deo optimo maximo, copias duxit adversus castellum quod superius diximus in Mona exaedificatum, quod ad aliquot dies expugnavit. 12At Franci obsessi e muris, praesidiis, et turribus ni eos iacula torserunt, sagittas emiserunt, saxa deiecerunt, alisque sese instrume nts defensitarunt: d o n e tandem quotidi[p. 35lano et assiduo oppugnation is certamine Wallorum cedere sint

coacti, ceciditque eorum dux, vel senescallus, cuius era hoc castellum, alique

sexaginta quattuor cum e o . Hoc castello flammis consumpto hostibusque expugnatis, tanto success laetus Griffinus adversus reliqua in eius regno castella pergit: quae pugnando capit, diruit ac incendit, populumque in ipsis universum gladio occidit. A d h u n modum adversaris omnibus devinctis Venedotiam a castellis vacuam reddidit, et paternam haereditatem adeptus est

Venedotiaque per biennium pace ac tranquillitate est usa. 1Nec praetereundum videtur, quod postquam Griffins apud Aber Lliennawe in Mona pugnasset

missis sexaginta militum iuvenibusque strenuis quatuordecim ad incendia et predas agendas,

multosque ex

castellanis excidisset penitusque omnia

devastasset, ad aliam Mona regionem proficiscitur, [p. 36] ubi naves eius tres in anchoris starent, subito ali castellani una cum inhabitantibus Monam, eum adoriuntur, toto illo die persequuntur, eiusque postremum agmen sepius ad prelia provocant: attamen, ut antea, Griffinus caeptum iter aggreditur, spolia aufert, Francos ac Saxones vinctos secum et captivos deduct, insidiatorum

horum continuata pugna quam plurimos interfecit. 16In hoc proelio cadit

Gellan cytharaedus, penkerd, iuxta naves ex parte Griffini. 17Quanta scientiarum varietate, quanto eloquentiae splendore perpolitum

esse oporteret qui Griffini egregia facinora, res praeclare gestas ni Cambria, Hibernia, insulis Dania subiectis, alisque diversis nationibus enarrare posset; ingenue fateor deesse mihi facultatem, immo n e c tanto oneri posse esse parem,

si vel soluta oratione Tullii eloquentia pollerem, vel adstricta < > Homerum vincerem.


from every single part of the kingdom, the men of Lleyn, Eifionydd, Ardudwy,

Aron, Rhos and Dyffryn Clwyd, who were held bound by their loyalty to their

lord. "Gruffudd, strengthened by this great army which had gathered in this way, with God the best and greatest supporting him, he led his forces against the castle which we said above had been built in Anglesey and took ti by storm

over a period of some days. 12But the French under siege hurled spears and

fired arrows and threw down stones from the walls, stronghold s and towers,

and defended themselves ni all other ways, until finally they were forced by the

continuous daily contest of the siege of the Welsh to yield, and their leader fell,

the seneschal, who was in charge of t h ecastle,and another sixtv-four with him 31 After this castle had been burnt down and the enemy taken by storm,

overioyed by such a success Gruffudd went against the remaining castles in his realm, and by warfare he captured them, destroyed them, and burnt them

down, and slew all the people in them. 14In this way with all his enemies cast into chains he rendered Gwynedd free of castles, and acquired his paternal inheritance, and for two years Gwynedd enjoyed peace and tranquillity. I5And it should not be passed over that after Gruffudd had fought at Aber Lliennog in

Anglesey with sixty soldiers and fourteen strong youths sent off to burn and

plunder, and he had killed m a n y of the people in the castle and had completely

laid waste everything, he went off to the other side of Anglesey where three of his ships were standing at anchor, and suddenly the other men of the castle

together with the men of Anglesey attacked him, and pursued him for the

whole day, and kept provoking his rearguard into battle; nevertheless, as before, Gruffudd undertook the journey he had begun, carried off plunder , and brought with him French and Saxon captives i nchains, and killed as many as

he could of the ambushers ni prolonged battle. 'In this battle fell Gellan, the

harpist, the pencerdd, near the ships on Gruffudd's side. 7With what variety of knowledge, with what splendour of eloquence should he have been, he who could narrate the famous deeds of Gruffudd and his achievements in Wales,

Ireland, and the subject isles of Denmark, and among various other peoples; I

freely admit that I do not have that ability, nor indeed would I be equal to such a great task even if I had the power of the eloquence of Tullius in oratory or I could defeat Homer

§24 'p. 371 Dum variis fortunae fluctibus iactaretur Griffinus, modo prosperis,

§24 While Gruffudd was being tossed about by the variable waves of fate, some-

modo adversis, in uxorem accepit Angharat filiam Ywein ap Edwin, quam huius principatus prudentiores referre soliti sunt, sapientem fuisse nobilem,

times favourable, sometimes unfavourable, he took as his wife Anghara d, daughter of Owain, ab Edwin; the wise men of his realm used to report that she

corporis partes habuisse ad proportionem compositas quam aptissime, tibias rectas, pedes concinnos, digitos longos, ungues tenerrimos; affabilem praeterea fuisse tradiderunt, sermone elegantem, habita ac gesta quam decoram,

single part of her body suited her as fittingly as possible, straight legs, elegant feet, long fingers, very slender nails; they said furthermore that she was genial and elegant of speech, in habit and gesture how decorous, sensible, and cautious,

modestam, capillis candidis, oculis ac < > corpore accipitrino.Singulas etiam

was wise, noble, modest, fair-haired, with eyes < > and a hawk-like body. Each




perspicacem, cautam, in consilis prudentem, in familiares clementem, ni egenos liberalem, et ad res praeclaras omnes instructissimam. 3Ex hac octo

suscepit liberos, filios tres, scilicet Kadwallon, Ywein ac Kadwaladyr; filias vero 5, scilicet Gwenllian, Margret, Ranillt, Susannam, Annest: fuere illi ex concubinis



sensible ni advice, kind to friends, generous to the poorand most well-informed

in all important matters. 'He had eight children by her: three sons, Cadwallon, Owain, and Cadwaladr, and five daughters, Gwenllian, Margret, Ranallt,

Susanna, and Annest; he also had some children by concubines

liberi aliquot.


lAt ubi Willelmus ensis longi rex Angliae bellicas [p. 38] expeditiones, fortitudinem et saevitiam Griffini in Francos accepisset, aegerrime tulit, ac

totius regni vires in eum commovit, et ni Venedotiam equitum peditumque varias turmas duxit, quibus incolas omnes funditus destruere et < > pessundare proposuit, ut ne canem mingentem ad parietem relinqueret. ?Aggressus est sylvas ac lucos scindere et evertere, ut ne vel umbra quidem, qua se imbecilliores tutarentur, superesset. 'Hic primus omnium tabernacula ac castra

intra castella muris cincta posuit.4Atque huius expeditionis Cambrorum nonnulli et auctores et ductores erant. SAudito tanto belli apparatu < > in

occursum Griffinus copias totius principatus collegit, < > in angustis viarum insidias collocans, ni quas subito incideret a montibus descendens exercitus. Has Anglus reformidans per intestina terrae Cestriam pervenit: ex hoc eus

itinere nec incolae damnis, quae minatus, afficilp. 39Jebantur, nec perfidi ductores laborum fructus, quos sperabant, perceperunt, nisi forte unica sit quisque vacca donatus.

'At Anglus equitum maximam partem, currus,

famulos, equosque quam plurimos amisit. Ita Francorum iactantia concidit, ad nihilumque devenit: copie Griffini modo anticipare, modo subsequi, modo a dextris. modo a sinistris illis esse solebant, ne eius subditis nocerent. "Quod si

Griffinus suos, dum abditos lucos pertransirent, in eos immisisset, postremum illum diem Anglus ac Franci sensissent; verum cohibuit suorum faerociam


'But when William of the long sword, king of England, received news of the

hostile expeditions and the bravery and savagery of Gruffudd against the French, he found it intolerable, and he roused the strength of his whole kingdom against him, and led into Gwynedd various squadrons of cavalry and

infantry with which he planned to destroy and < > exterminate the natives so

that he might not leave even a dog pissing against a wall. 'He also embarked

upon a scheme of cutting down and destroying the forests and groves not even, as it were, a shadow might be left by which the weaker might themselves. 3First of all he placed his tents and camps within surrounded by walls. *Some Welshmen were his leaders and guides.

so that protect castles


Gruffudd heard of this great preparation for war , he gathered the forces of the whole realm to go and meet them and eh placed ambushes ni the narrow passeson theroads so that as the army was coming down out of the mountains it would suddenly fall into them. Fearing such tactics the Englishman returned to Chester through the centre of the land; and from this expedition of his

neither did the natives suffer any damage with which he had threatened them, not did the treacherous guides gain the rewards of their labours for which they

had hoped, except that each might by chance be presented with a single cow. "But the Englishman lost a very large part of his army, and wagons and servants

and a very large number of horses. In this way the presumption of the French

Griffinus, ut olim David se gessit erga Saulem.

collapsed and came to nothing: the forces of Gruffudd were accustomed

8 iactantia) iactantiam MS

rear, sometimes from the right, sometimes from the left so that they should not

sometimes to engage them from the front, sometimes to pursue them from the

do damage to his subjects. And if Gruffudd had sent his men against them, as they were crossing through the pathless forests, the Englishman and the French would have seen their final day, but he restrained the ferocity of his men, just as

once David behaved towards Saul.


'Rebus ad hunc modum non succedentibus, Hugo comes Cestriae (de quo

supra) malorum omnium architectus, ut anteactis temporibus Antiochus, classem iorum onustam parat, ut quem caeperat intimum doloris sensum ex praesid suorum trucidatione, dirutis funditus castellis et equitibus mala morte multatis, iam saltem ni Cambros [p. 401 vlcisceretur. 2Ad hanc rem paratum habuit Hugonem alterum comitem scilicet Salopiae vna cum sua cohorte, ut simul


While matters were proceeding unsuccessfully in this way,

the above mentioned Hugh, earl of Chester, architect of all misfortunes, like Antiochus

of old, since he held a deep sense of grievance at the murder of his own garrisons,with his castles totally destroyed and cavalry slaughtered, prepared a

heavily laden fleet and now would be avenging himself at once upon the Welsh.

2In this venture he had another Hugh, earl of Shrewsbury, with his own army,



proficiscentes multimodas iniurias a Griffino illatas, innumeraque accepta

incommoda illi reponerent. Itaque tandem phalanges suas ni terras Griffini duc*nt, preeuntibus cum suis asseclis Yweino ap Etwin, et Vthtrico fratre suo.

*Res haec ubi patefacta fuerat, Venedotiae Powisiaeque incolas quasi e somno

SCuius rei excitavit, ut fortius illis abiecto quamv is obediendi vel ore resisterent. frater traduxerunt causa Powisiae principes, scilicet Kadwgan et Meredith eus


so that setting out at the same time they might avenge those many injuries perpetrated by Gruffudd and the countless losses caused by him. 3And so finally they led their troops into the lands of Gruffudd with Owain ab Edwin and his brother Uchtryd and their followers ahead of them. 4When the situation became known, it roused the natives of Gwynedd and Powys as fi from sleep so that they might resist them more bravely casting aside even the

appearance of obedience. SBecause of this, the princes of Powys, namely

suos omnes in patriam Griffini: maturoque capto consilio, sese ambo in Monam receperunt quo in loco, quasi in firmissima civitate altissimo pelago sexdecim de undique cincta, conquieverunt: idque maxime quod naves longe

Cadwgan and Maredudd, his brother, brought out all their people into the land of Gruffudd; and after taking proper counsel together they both withdrew to

quatenus Griffinum in eus summis periculis maximisque angustis fallerent auxilioque omni destitutum relinquerent, quod effectum praestiterunt. "Siquidem

ships were being sent from Ireland to help Gruffudd with which they might fight against the fleet of the earls in naval battle.W h e n the earls discovered this; they secretly sent messengers to the commande rs of the fleet promising

Hybernia in subsidium Griffini mittebantur, quibus adversus comitum classem maritimo bello decertarent. [p. 41] Comites huius rei certiores facti, nuntios clam ad classis praefectos destinant, ut amplissimis muneribus promissis rogarent,

Francorum dolis delusi, totam insulam (fracta fide Griffino data) vacuam

praesidiis in direptionem hostibus tradiderunt.

8Hac Francorum fallacia

Griffinus in summam animi aegritudinem coniectus, consili dubius fuit, quid

adversus vel vim Francorum vel classis defectionem opus esset facto. 'Itaque re

una cum Cadwgan ap pris cum suis deliberata, arret a quadam navicula, Bleddyn ni Hyberniam transfretavit, populum eiusque bona Dei voluntati ac

tur protectioni commendans, qui subvenire cunctis cum angustiis premun sibi fuga , sentiens m absentia eus ilis, miserab promisit. 10At plebs multis modis lucis, agris salutem quaesiuit, ut in specibus subterraneis, locis palustribus, sylvis, derent. abscon alis e locisqu s rupibu [p. 42]incultis, cisternis, paludibus, ruderibus, ac

latitabant ac sese occultabant, Francorum aliarumque externarum gentium

comitibus metu, qui in eorum perniciem advapulabant. N o n fuit difficile iam

eorumque exercitui per totam insulam longe lateque eodem illo die pervagari, a detruncare, populum concidere, aliquorum bona diripere, aliorum membr donec nox eos a persequendo retardaret.

2 Griffino] Griffinus MS. s Kadwgan] Kadwallawn MS

Anglesey where, as if in a very strong city surrounded on all sides by the deepest sea, they settled themselves; and this principally because sixteen long

them very great rewards and asking them to fail Gruffudd when he was in the greatest danger and in dire straits, and to leave him deprived of all support; and

this si what they did. 'Indeed deceived by the trickery of the French and with

their promise to Gruffudd broken, they handed the whole island over to the enemy empty of guards to be plundered. §Gruffudd was cast into the deepest agony of indecision by t h edeception of the French, uncertain in his plans as to

whether he should act against the force of the French or the defection of the

fleet. A n d so after he had thought the matter over with his people, he seized a small boat and with Cadwgan ap Bleddyn he sailed across to Ireland,

commending his people and his property to the good will and protection of

God who promised to help all whenever they are oppressed by troubles.B u t the people to be pitied in so many ways, when they realized that he had gone,

sought safety for themselves in flight and went off to lie hidden and to conceal themselves in underground caves, marshes, forests, groves, uncultivated fields,

water tanks, bogs, ruins, cliffs and other places, through fear of the French and other foreigners who were driving them to destruction. IIIt was not difficult for the earls and their army to wander the length and breadth of the whole island on that same day, to slaughter people, to plunder the property of some, to chop

the limbs off others, until night brought a halt to their pursuit.


1Verum ecce postero die inexpectato singulari Dei providentia, regia classis animadversa appropinquans sese in conspectum obtulit, qua a Francis nt) ad decepera Griffinum qui os foedifrag (siquidem iam dominasset Danos confoederatis Cambris x e 2Atque contulerunt. e consuetas sibi fallendi artes s

emiserunt quosdam ad insulanos, qui e s ad concordiam hortarentur

Nam persuaderentque statim firmare pacem quibus possent rationibus optime. ne eodem tempor e et timebant ne ex utraque parte simul urgeren tur, scilicet


'But behold on the next day unexpectedly by the singular providence of God, an approaching royal fleet came into view, and when it was spotted by the French (indeed now it would have overcome the treaty-breaking Danes who had deceived Gruffudd), they turned to their well practised arts of deception

?And they sent to the islanders some of the Welshmen who were in league with

them to urge them to make a pact and to persuade them immediatelv to establish a peace on whatever terms they could best achieve. For they were afraid that





cum Cambris profugis ex una et cum hac regia classe ex altera [p. 43] parte dimicandum foret. 'Hac ratione fallaces Franci miserrimum populum huius

they might be pressured on two fronts at the same time, namely, lestat the same time they would be forced to fight with the Welsh fugitives on one side, and

insulae gravissima servitute oppressum v...]da spe ni fraudem pellexerunt, ne aetas sequens maiorum suorum tantas clades olim recordaretur.

with this royal fleet on the other. *In this way the deceitful French ensnared in

4 pellexerunt] pellexit MS

such a disaster.

§28 'Veruntamen classem, quam superius inopinato conspectam diximus, ad regem Llychlyn spectantem, divini numinis singularis anima ni Monam dirigere est dignata, ut plebem suam miseriis involutam tandem liberaret. Siquidem ad

dominum suum ex infinitis pressuris et anxietatibus clamavit, et Deus eam salvam fecit.

3Cum vero regi, qui huic classi praefuit, per interprêtes monstraretur, quae haec esset insula, quis eius princes, quantae ibi caedes fierent, quam dira persequutio, quique essent tam cruentae stragis autores, condolere coepit ac fremere: itaque naves tres ad littus tendere praecepit. *Quod cum Franci

perceperunt, quamvis timidiores mulierculis, loricati, et pro more suo i n equis sedentes ad pugnandum cum rege [p. 44] quique in terram e navibus erant expositi

procedunt. 'Rex vero eiusque nautae fortiter ex adverso cum eis dimicarunt. 6Cadunt Franci ex equis, ut ficus de arboribus, alii mortui, ali vulnerati crebris ictibus Danorum. 'At rex e puppi sagittam < > Hugonis Comitis Salopiae oculum perfodit, qui in

terram exanimatus licet armatus prosternitur

diutiusque cum ferro luctatur. Franci vero ex h o fortuito eventu in fugam versi Danis terga ostendunt.Rex autem classem inde statim subduxit quae ad perscrutandas insulas Britanniae ac Hybernie, quae totius orbs ultimae habentur, cum ingenti militum m a n u iter hoc suscepisset.

deceit the wretched people of this islandoppressed by the heaviest slavery into treachery with a [ . ] hope, so that subsequent generations might not remember

§28 However, the singular spirit of a divine mind thought it right to steer that fleet, which we have said had been unexpectedly spotted and which belonged to the king of Llychlyn, to Anglesey in order at last to free his people beset by misfortunes. Indeed, they called upon their Lord out of their unending burdens and anxieties, and God made them safe.

3When the king in command of this fleet was told through guides what island this was, who was its king, how great the slaughter was happening there, how terrible was the persecution, and who the perpetrators of such a cruel massacre

were, he began to share their grief and becomeangry; and so he sent three ships to go to the shore. +When the French saw this, though more fearful than little women, in full armour and, as was theircustom, mounted on horseback they went into battle with the king and those who had landed from the ships. But the king and his sailors fought bravely against them. T h e French fell from their

horses, like figs from a tree, some dead, others wounded by the unceasing blows of the Danes. "But the king < > an arrow from the prow of his ship and it struck Hugh, earl of Shrewsbury, in the eye and he was laid low on the ground lifeless, though he was in full armour, and for a while struggled with the weapon. T h e French were put to flight by this chanceoccurrence and showed

their backs to the Danes. "The king, however, immediately withdrew his fleet because he h a d undertaken t h i sjourney with a huge b a n d o f soldiers to look at

the islands of Britain and Ireland which are regarded as the furthest of the whole world.

§29 'At Hugo Comes alique Franci < > laetitia perfusi praedas quas egerunt omnes < > loca cantredorum Monae deduxerunt, metu etiam Griffini quem singulis moments expectarent; quo etiam in loco omnium inhabitantium frumenta bovesque [p. 45] sunt partiti, quorum dimidiam partem secum Cestriam transportaverunt.

2Tum aderant Dani ill periuri proditores qui Griffinum fefellerant quia Hugo illis prolixe promiserat virorum, mulierum, servorum, virginum portionem amplissimum perfidiae praemium. 3Persolvebat ille quidem illis ut fidelis infidelibus, ut illud divinum confirmaret. "Nam postquam ex singulis partibus

collegisset cunctas amiculas edentulas, incurvas, claudas, monoculas, obeses et

§29 'But earl Hugh and the other Frenchmen overcome with joy took their plunder which they had gathered together with them into the safer places of the

cantreds of Anglesey through fear of Gruffudd whom they were expecting at any moment; therethey also divided the corn and cattle of the inhabitants, half o f which they took with them to Chester.

?Then, the Danes appeared, those lying traitors who had deceived Gruffudd because Hugh had lavishly promised them a very generous share of the men, women, slaves and girls, a fine reward for treachery.H e then paid them like a faithful man to the unfaithful, as t h edivine word confirmed. +For after he had

gathered from every part all the toothless hags, the hump-backed, lame, one-eyed,




imbecillas, obtulit has Danis in mercedem proditionis. SQuam mancipiorum

squalentem catervam ubi vidissent, sublatis anchoris, altum petierunt Hyberniam versus. A t qui t u n temporis ibi praeerat poenas de illis sumpsit gravissimas, alios morte, alios membrorum ascissione, aliosque in exilio perpetuo muletando ex toto suo regno exterminans. ' metu] metum MS


'Atque ecce eodem tempore Griffinus antiqua sua [p. 461 consuetudine de


fat and weak, he offered them to the Danes in payment for their treachery.

§When they saw this wretched band of prisoners, they raised anchor and took to the open sea and made for Ireland. A n d he who was ruler at that time punished them severely, some with death, others by the chopping off of limbs, and driving others from every part of his kingdom into perpetual exile as a punishment

§30 lAnd behold Gruffudd at the same time following his old custom returned from

Hybernia reversus, universam patriam in solitudinem redactam, subditosque in

Ireland and found his country completely reduced t oa desert and his subjects

alia loca traductos invenit. 'Itaque legatos ad Hugonem comitem mittit,

carried off elsewhere. 'And so he sent ambassadors to earl Hugh, and by their efforts it came about that conditions of peace were concluded between them

quorum opera effectum est ut in pacis conditiones inter eos sit conclusum. Inde in illo cantredo concessae sunt illi villa tres. *Ab hoc tempore per annos

complures Griffinus vitam tenuem duxit, curisque variis distentam, spe tamen meliori ac divina providentia se consolando.


Transacto tot annorum spacio, in curiam Henrici Regis Angliae qui fratri successit se contulit a quo Bangorensis episcopi interventu, vitam, favorem, familiaritatem, multarum rerum cognitionem adeptus est. ?Cui etiam rex summa cum pace ac gratia concessit cantredos Lleyn, Eivionyd, Ardydwy, et Arllechwed una cum incolis eorum < >. 'Ut vero in patriam est reversus

Griffinus a curia regis, in illorum terrarum possessionem intrat, Deo [p. 47] gratias agens, qui deponit potentes de firmis suis sedibus, exaltat humilem, qui debitorem creditoremque facit, qui hominem humiliat, eundem ad honores evehit. "Deinceps omnia Griffino prospere creverunt, quia in Domino spem fixam habuerat. 'Delabuntur < > ad eum quotidie reliqui de Ros cum muneribus, non expectata vel petita Comitis Hugonis licentia, sicque populorum multitudinem abundabat.

•Anno sequenti ni Monam ipse cum suis profectus ibi gubernando habitabat; inde in alios commotos se contulit.

"Hoc modo in Venedocia potentiam ac

pristinum statum recuperavit, ut Maccabaeus filius Mattathiae olim in Israel.

"Subditos etiam gravissimo servitutis iugo, qui propter crebras bellorum necessitates expressi fuerant, liberavit, totamque Venedotiam gaudio replevit, ut Israelitae e captivitate reversi Babylonica.

3As-a result three vills in t h a t cantred were conceded to him. "From this time on

for several years Gruffudd led a humble life spent in various cares, consoling himself with hope of better things and divine providence.

§31 'After some years had gone by, he travelled to the court of Henry, king of

England, who had succeeded his brother, and with the intervention of the bishop of Bangor he gained from him a living, favour, friendship, and recognition of his many possessions. The king even granted him in peace and good-will the cantreds of Lleyn, Eifionydd, Ardudwy, and Arllechwedd along with their inhabitants and possessions. When Gruffudd returned to his land from the king'scourt, he entered into the possession of these lands, thanking God who deposes the powerful from their strongholds and raises the humble, who makes o n e person a debtor and another a creditor, who humbles a man and then raises that same man to high honour. "Then everything developed favourably f o rGruffudd because he had h e l d his hopes fixed upon God. Other people daily drifted to him from Rhos with their possessions without waiting

for or asking for the permission of the earl Hugh, and thus he he began to increase the n u m b e ro f his people.

I n the following year, he himself with his men set out for Anglesey and there he lived and ruled, and from there he travelled to the other commotes. 'In this

way he regained his previous power and standing ni Gwynedd, just like Maccabaeus, son of Mattathias once in Israel.H e also freed from the heavy yoke of slavery his subjects who had been oppressed on account of the interminable necessities of war, and he filled the whole of Gwynedd with rejoicing,

like the Israelites returning from captivity in Babylon






'At Comes moleste tulit, quia se invito possessiones haereditarias vel perquiserit vel evicerit, immo (p. 48] rex Angliae eius hoc facinus admiratur.

2Itaque thesaurum exfodit maximos sumptus erogando et in regem Scotiae, Scotos Australesque Cambros. Has copias in Griffini principatum ducit, positis castris intra murata castella. 'Ipse vero Griffinus bellorum necessitates sepius experts, ex adverso castra metatur in nivosi montis Eryri quasi

bracchiis. Quibus ex locis legati utrimque sepius sunt missi, atque tandem post inducias, ni pacis formam est consensum. 6Sicque Henricus in Angliam revertitur, ac Griffinus in propriam ditionem redit. 'At rursum Henricus Rex transacto temporis perbrevi spacio, exercitum praeclarum ductans vent, castraque in eodem loco (quo prius) posuit in ipsis scilicet montibus ut a m tandem Griffin principatum funditus eradicaret

subditosque eius ni ore [p. 49] (ut dicam) gladi perderet, mactaret, et funditus perimeret. *Verum Griffinus suos recollegit, et ut ni more illi erat, in eius occursum dirigebat, transmissis tamen prius praeciosis quibuscumque una cum uxoribus ac liberis in solitudines montium Eryri, ubi extra omnem periculi metum forent. Quibus rebus evenit ut rex metuens ne in manus Griffini

incideret, cum ni valles a montium cacuminibus discenderet, ni Angliam pace facta reciperet.

100 Deus bone, quoties Griffinum subvertere conati sunt Comites. ac non potuerunt. Quoties tentarunt Powisiae incolae, at non potuerunt. 12Quoties

832 'But the earl was angry that Gruffudd against his will had seized or conquered

his own hereditary territories; moreover, the king of England was surprised at this deed of his. ?And so, he dug into his treasury and paid massive sums to the king of Scotland, the Scots and the Southern Welsh. SHe led these forces into the kingdom of Gruffudd and placed his camps within walled castles. "But Gruffudd himself, having very frequent experience of t h edemands of wars, set his camp opposite him on the arms, as it were, of snowy Eryri. F r o m their positions ambassadors were sent regularly from both sides and finally after a truce there was an agreement on a form of peace.Thus Henry returned to England and Gruffudd returned to his own realm.

But after a short period of time, Henry returned with a fine army, and placed his camp in the same place as before, namely in the very mountains themselves, so that he might at last r o o tout the realm of Gruffudd and destroy his subiects at sword-point (as it were), slaughter them, and completely wipe them o u t .B u t

Gruffudd gathered his people and, as was his custom, directed them to meet Henry, after sending his valuables with the wives and children across into the deserted areas of the mountains of Snowdon where they would be out of any

fear of danger.It turned out, however, that the king, fearing that he might fall into the hands of Gruffudd as he descended out of the mountain tops into the

aggressi sunt fallacis Trahaerni fautores, at non potuerunt.

valleys, made peace and withdrew to England. K i n d God, how many times the earls tried to overturn Gruffudd, a n dcould not! H o w many times the inhabitants of Pows made an attempt uponhim, and


could not! 12How many times the accomplices of the traitor Trahaearnattacked

reciperet] receperet MS

him, and could not!


Post tantos exantlatos labores, Griffinus per annos complures divitis affluens, tranquilla placidaque pace gaudens regnabat, regumque vicinorum familiaritate cum summa concordia est usus, scilicet Henrici [p.

50] Regis Angliae,

Murchathi Regis Hyberniae, regumque qui insulis Daniae pracerant fuitque percelebre eius nomen, non solum in regnis adiacentibus, verum etiam in remotissimis terris. 2[am per Venedociam coeperunt bonarumomnium rerum incrementa fieri: iam

coepit populus ecclesias fundare, glandes seminare, arbores plantare, pomaria, hortos ac stagnis fossis et sepibus munire, aedificia extruere, frumenta ac fructus Romanorum more in usum colligere. Basilicas vero erexit Griffinus iuxta palatia sua, quae maximis sumptibus magnifice exedificasset et sustentasset. *Quid vero eflueret? SVenedocia cum ecclesiis < > iam firmamento ac stellis

cum dedicationibus; populum sum virga ferrea gubernabat,etiam concordiam

ac pacem cum regnis vicinis aluit, filios adhuc iuvenes ni extre[p. 51]mis regni cantredis prepositos coll.

..]velit ut essent quasi < > cum extraneis nationibus

§33 'After enduring such great labours, Gruffudd ruled for many years, affluent with wealth and rejoicing in a calm and unbroken peace, and was on the

friendliest terms and greatest concord with neighbouring kings, namely, Henry, king of England, Murchadh, king of Ireland, and the kings who ruled the islands of Denmark, and his name was famous not only in the adjacent kingdoms but even in the furthest lands.

"Now throughout Gwynedd all kinds of good things began to increase; now the people began to found churches, sow acorns, plant trees, and build orchards and gardens and surround them with pools, ditches and fences, to construct

buildings, and to gather for use the produce and fruits in the manner of the Romans. 3Gruffudd also built large churches next to his palaces which he built

and established beautifully sparing no expense. *What then was the result? Gwynedd < > with churches and dedications like the heaven with stars; he governed his people with an iron rod but also encouraged peace and concord with kingdoms neighbouring him, and he placed his sons, while still young, in




oppositio cum his qui rebus novis studere vellent. Reguli minores eius curiam sepius petebant interdum auxili impetrandi, interdum consolationis ac consil:

causa, quoties eos alienorum iniuriae urgebant.


charge of the most distant cantreds of his kingdom so that they might be, as fi < > with foreign peoples, as opposition to those who might wish to rise up against

him. Minor kings would often make for his court sometimes to seek help, sometimes for consolation and counsel, whenever foreigners were causing them trouble.


'Ad extremum am longa senectute confectus, et oculorum lumine amisso, operibus se misericordiae totum dedit, apud se cogitans quamvis ex rebus militiae gestis memoriam esset relicturus perpetuam, in secretiorem quendam locum

secedere, ut divinarum rerum contemplationi intentius vacaret, ac vitae sanctius ducendae incumberet, dominationibus terrenis penitus contemptis. ?Atque ubi

iam vitae terminum appropinquare intellexit, liberos convocari praecepit, ut quae a morte sua fieri et observari vellet illis exponeret, quemadmodum aliquando Ezechias [p. 52] rex fecerat. 'Itaque substantiam suam omnem < > in partes divisit, cuius iustitia in aeternum permanebit. *Ecclesiae Christi Dublinorum

viginti solidos donavit, quo ni loco et natus et nutritus fuerat, singulisque cathedralibus ecclesis Hyberniae necnon Ecclesiae Menevensi, abbatiis Cestriae et Salopiae tantundem. 'Etiam amplius quod ecclesiae Bangorensi legavit.Ac

§34 'In the end, now worn down by old age and having lost the sight of his eyes, he gave himself over to tasksof mercy, thinking to himself what perpetual memorial

he might leave of his military achievements, and he withdrew to a more remote place to give himself time for a more intense contemplation of divine matters and to lead a more godly life, completelydespising worldly powers. 'And when he realized that the end of his life was near, he ordered his children to be s u m m o n e d so that he might set out for them what he wished to happen a n d to

be carried out, just as the king Ezechias once did. And so he divided his possessions, the justice of which will remain for ever. "To the church of Christ

ni Dublin, where he was born and fostered, he gave twenty pieces of silver, and to each cathedral church of Ireland and the church of St David's, the monasteries of Chester and of Shrewsbury the same amount. SEven more did

Ecclesiae Caercybi decem solidos ac tantundem Penmonae, Sancti Germani, Dinerth, Gelynnawc, Enlli, et Meivot, multisque praecipuis aliis ecclesis. "Haec episcopis, archidiaconis, praesbyteris, clericis, doctoribus, Christianisque

he bequeath to the church of Bangor. And to the church of Holyhead hegave

indigentibus concessit ut Sancti Spiritus protectione defensitaretur, qui omnia

granted to the bishops, archdeacons, priests, clerics, doctors and needy Christians so that they might be defended by the protection of the Holy Spirit

scrutatur et cognoscit.

ten pieces of silver, and the same amount to Penmon, Llanarmon, Dinerth,

Clynnog, Enlli and Meifod, and to many other major churches. "These he

who sees and knows all things.

§35 1Ad eum iam in extremis agentem vitaeque finem expectantem accesserunt ex omni elus principatu viri celebres et prudentissimi, scilicet David episcopus

Bangor, Simeon archidiaconus, prior Monasterii Cestriae [p. 531, hom*o et doctrina et sapientia insignis, compluresque ali presbyteri et discipuli, ut oleo

consecrato eius corpus inungerent, iuxta praeceptum lacobi Apostoli. 2Erant una eius filii, quibus ille benedicendo praedixit quae illis olim

eventura essent, ad similitudinem lacobi patriarchae, qui filiis suis ni Aegypto benedixisset: atque ni mandatis dedit, ut fortiter se gererent, inimicisque magno


'And now as he was reaching the end, and waiting for theend of his life, there came to him from the whole of his realm famous and wise men, namely, David,

bishop of Bangor, Simeon, the archdeacon, the prior of the monastery of Chester, a man outstanding ni learning and wisdom, and many other priests and scholars so that they might anoint his body with consecrated oil according

to the precept of the apostle James.

His sons were with him, and he blessed them and predicted what would

animo resisterent, ut ille postremis suis temporibus egerat. 3Aderat etiam eodem tempore reginaAngharat eius uxorcuidimidiam omnium

eventually happen to them, like the patriarch Jacob who blessed his sons in Egypt; and he gave them instructions to conduct themselves bravely and to resist t h e i renemies fiercely as he had done in his latter years.

bonorum suorum partem, duas terrae portiones cum porticibusAbermeney legavit. +Necnon filie eius praesentes erant, et filiorum nonnulli, atque horum

3The queen Angharad, his wife, was also present at the same time and he bequeathed her half of his possessions and two portions of land together with

singulis partes assignavit ad [p. 54] comodius post [...] discessum vivendum.

the harbourdues of Abermenai

SCambri, Hyberni ac Dani Griffin mortem flebilibus vocibus sunt prosequuti, non secus atque lude Iosue filium Nun olim lugebant.

tHis daughters were present, and some of their sons, and to each he assigned shares so that they might live more comfortably after his death. Welshmen,





•Cum duos et octoginta annos Griffinus complevisset, ex hac vita discessit.

Irishmen, and Danes lamented the death of Gruffudd, just like the Jews once mourned Joshua, son of Nun.

"Sepultusque est ni ecclesia Bangor, splendido erecto monumento ad sinistram altaris magni partem. •Praecemurque ut eius anima cum aliorum praeclarorum regum animabus ni Domino conquiescat. 'Amen.

6Gruffudd was eighty-two years old when he departed this life. "He was buried in the church at Bangor with a gleaming monument erected to the left of the high a l t a r.Let us pray that his soul may rest in peace in the Lord with the souls of other famous kings.Amen.




ni added above. G l ] deletedand macri addedabove with insertion mark after Meirchiawn. Lledlwm] .i. Subnudi added above with insertion mark after

Lledlwm. Tegwan Cloff] wan deleted and vani added above; Cloff deleted and


Claudi added above. Dehewent] ent changed t oeint. Prydein] in deleted and ni added above. Gwrwstil in comparison with HGK and Cotton Vitellius C.ix fili

Riwalloni, filii Regatae, filiac Lyri, filii Rudi, fili Bladudi, filii Llywelit missing.

Bruti' deleted and Riwallani added above. Ysgwydwyn] Ysg confirmed by catchword which was subsequently deleted and fili R... added after; for the full words, cf. Cotton Vitellius C.ix which has ysgwdwy crossed through.


Ysgwydwyn] .i humeri candidi added above with insertion mark after Ysgwydwyn. Noe hen] N corrected from M; hen deleted.

This apparatus is in two parts. Part (a) contains all the changes and annotation


associated with Thelwall. Part (b) contains all the later annotation in the

'maternal sic added above with an insertion mark after materna. sic] deleted.


Rachell] Il deleted and llae added aboveafter Racnell. Hyberniae] ac added above with insertion mark after Hyberniae. Insulae Mannael Mevaniae wel added

( a ) Thelwall annotation

above. qui e Scotia] olim added above. aliarum] et rex nuncupabatur added above with insertion mark before aliarum.

§1 'Swrth] a word partially lost and now illegible was added above and then deleted. §2 'Cynannus] nnus deleted. Avloedi] v changed to u. Dublinensis] ensis deleted and civil[.. added above. 'Gruffinus] inus added above

2rex etiam habebatur] deleted and et provinciarum added above; provinciarum then deleted and regionumadded. Arennae] deleted and Arran insularum in

mari occidentali Hiberniae added above; mari then deleted and hyberniae mari added at end. eius] deleted. rudera] ru visible in catchword.

$5 §3 'Meurik] Mauricii added above. Rhodrile added above with insertmark between d and r; magni added above with insert mark after Rhodri. Esyllt] deletedand

Essildis added above. Dre].i. Capriae added above with insert mark after Dyre. Cadwallawn] awn deleted and ani added above; in comparison with HGK fili Catmani, filii lacobi, fili Beli, fili Runi, fili Maglocuni, fili Caswallanimissing

'suosque] deleted and [elt suos added above. Dania] deleted and Noruegiae added above. corporis] deletedand inter Danos addedabove. iungebantur] iun deleted a n d iu added above.

3eum honoribus] eum deleted and et added in right margin. nautam] am deleted and ae added above. donaque] confirmed by catchword.

here (text in this note restored from interlinear gloss in manuscript D (BL

Additional 19712) and also found ni C and Ch, but not ni Cotton Vitellius C.ix).

'presidia] deleted and expugnacula oppida added above; these words were then

manus oblongae] deleted and longimani added above. Einawn] deleted and

deleted and munitiones added after. condiderat] confîrmed b ycatchword.

Eniani added above. Yrth] th lost at damaged edge. Guidawc] awc lost but auci addedabove; catchword lost.

§Hyberniae] deleted and [Sco]tiae added above. Mare Tyren] underlined.

2Rhodri] e added above with insert mark between d and r; cus added above with insertion mark after Rhodri; m added above with insertion mark after Rhodri,

probably for magni. Vrych]

.Jis added above with insertion mark after Vrych,

possibly for .i.versicoloris. Llydanwyn]

.]didi (probably for .i. lati candidi)

added above with insertion mark after Llydanwyn. Meirchiawn] wn deleted and

'modicam] sibi added above with insertion mark after modicam. Northwegiae ibil capital N emphasized; th deleted. ex Septentrionalibus regionibus genus

deducentes added above with insertion mark after Northwegiae; genus then deleted and originem added above.quorum deducens] deleted.




Opartes] deleted and provincias added above. vell citeriorem added above with insertion mark before vel.


§8 'Britannicorum]









"Rodwn] di est, Rothomagum added above. primi] conditoris added above with insertion mark after primi. Romulo] confirmed by catchword. Willhelmus] Normannus re[x, et eius] added above with insertion mark after Willhelmus.

?corruptor] quia added above with insertion mark after corruptor. multosque) que deleted.

constant] deleted and successerunt added above.

}more] deleted a n d authoritate added above. antico ac d[...] deleted and end of last

13At] deleted. ille] deleted and long...] added above. neposque] eius added above with insertion mark after neposque. Stephanus] qui added above with insertion mark after Stephanus. fuerant] ant changed to unt. 14Huius < >] modi inserted in gap.

word lost in edge o fpage. §9 'Gruffinus] Gruff. M S a n d inus added above. m o r i b u sesset e x c u l t u senutritus

tenerrime] The base text is very unclear as it has been deleted and variously §6

'aviae] maternae added above with insertion mark after aviae. Ragnel] gnel

deleted and cuella added above. natus etiam] deleted and filius added above. Tethell i added at end of word.

?Slani] S changed to A. Riyeni] R deleted and V added above. "Gurmlach] lach added under Gurmat end of line. Sutrili] il deleted and c added above. Midit] it deleted and iviae added above.

glossedand reglossed: puer above moribus; studiis praeclaris praesul esset above moribus esset excultus; studs then deleted and moribus added above, ibus was then deleted and um added above; praeclaris praesul esset was also deleted and

probitate cultus added above; ac strenissime above enutritus which was then

deleted and magnae [...] added above; educatus ac petulanter enutritus above tenerrime; educatus was then deleted. quam ampla < >] ditio added in gap; haereditas added in right margin and then deleted. regnum] ei iure haereditario added above with insertion markafter regnum.

deposuit] gap ni MS before deposuit; deleted and effudit added above gap. in] deleted. dominarildeleted and occupare addedabove.

'Ranald] i added a t end. quatuordecim] deleted and quadraginta added above.

'pedum potestate, vel] deleted and virium robustum uel added above; the ustum

}suppetias] ei added above with insertion mark before suppetias.

ofrobustum then deleted and ore added above.

'ornatum cui ob egregias facultates] deleted and ac velocitatis gloria celebrem cui added above. < >] cui added in gap. indiderat] derat deleted and tum erat added above. eiusdem dimensi utriusque saltus aestimabatur] deleted and neque

ei saltandi agilitate inferior erat Rinaldus added above.

'quidem] equus added above with insertion mark after quidem. Cinnari] equo added above with insertion mark after Cinnari. Bucephalo] equo added above with insertion mark after Bucephalo.

?Atquel tunc tum added above with insertion mark before Atque. in] ea parte

addedabove with insertion mark after in. Cambria] changed to Cambriae; quae Venedotia vocabat[ur] added above with insertion mark after Cambriae

gerebant] deleted. indebite] deleted and tyrannice gerebant added above. Trahearn] us added above end of word. rex] deleted and regulus added above. homines] deleted and inhabitantes added above, which was then deleted and incolas added above. Merwyd] i added to end o f word. Meiriawn] wn deleted and num


'Quum] um deleted and an[do] added above. quoniam] abbreviation deleted and quoniam added above.


's ] gap filled ni later hand.

added above. ut qua] [s]uperioresadded above with insertion mark after viros. 'adventus] advensus MS; sus deleted and tus added above. querunt] cedilla added under e



Svindicanda] changed t o vendicanda.

}nihil] tale added above with insertion mark after nihil. expectantem] the following word beginning with p . . . deleted. fecerunt, eumque] deleted and

"Griffins] inus added above. arripit vell vel deleted. castrum] de added above with insertion mark after castrum.


facientes eum a d d e dabove.

Rudlan] deleted and Rudlanum added in

margin. versus Robertum] versus deleted and ad added above. vel ad Hugonem]

4Gruffinus] inus added above. depopulatorem] deleted and tyrannum et

deleted and nepotem added above; Hugonem changed to Hugonis. comitem]

inimicum suum added above. scilicet] abbreviation deleted and scilicet added above. mulierem] quandam added above with insertion mark after mulierem.

deleted and comitis] added above.

"cuius] deleted and quam ob added above. causa] m added above end of word. pollicitus] amice added above with insertion mark before pollicitus.

Dylad] deleted and Deladam added above. Bleddyni] ddyni deleted and thyni added above. regis] Cambriae added above with insertion mark after regis. ex bello Philistino] deleted and usque ad Philistim ex bello quod gestum fuerat added above. et sceptrum] et added ni left margin by original hand.donavit laetus et ... I deleted and in premium tal added above.

§11 'his consultaverat] deleted and de his inter se colloquerentur added above. sapiens Tangwystl] deleted and prudens Tanguistela added above. omine] bono quodam added above with insertion mark before omine. quodam praedicaret] deleted. regnum] praesagiret added above with insertion mark after regnum.

'missil deleted. ominel faelici added above with insertion mark before omine. Angliae] alios suos [...] added above above with insertion mark before Angliae. populil sui added above with insertion mark after populi. acceptaret] et

Zet, quam] et deleted. < >] gap filled by habit. optimam] et tunicam added above with insertion mark after optimam. ex < >| gap ni manuscript after ex;

mark after misericors; am] deleted and in suas manus added above. lustrare] deleted.

indigenarum homagium added above. misericors] iam added above with insertion

gloss added above yskin di est pelle. ap Lin.] deleted and fili Leolini regis added above. ap Seisill] deleted and fili Caecili added above. regis] Cambriae added above with insertion mark after regis. contextam] altered to confectam.

Scantredum] um deleted and umadded above;de added above with insertionmark after cantredum. Trahaern] u sadded above the end of the word. male possessorum alter h a b i t a b a t ]deleted a n d tyrannorum alter m o r a b a t u radded above. Cambrice

3Llywarch] us added above end of word. in hoc castro magna aestimatione

dicta] qui added above with insertion mark before Cambrice; est addedabove with

habebatur et a thesauris fuerat Griffino ap Llu.] deleted; castri praefectus fuit et quaestor fuit apud regem illum Griffinum filium Leolini added above; fut then deleted; magnae existimationis et fidei added abovegloss with insertion mark before apud.

insertion mark after dicta. Gwaeterv] gwaeter MS; t e rdeleted and terw added



"Deus] Ac added before Deus. multi]deleted and plus quam mille added above. quil guaranteed b ycatchword. aufugit] . . . Jonia added abovewith insertion mark before aufugit. incolf..] deleted and end of worddifficult to read.

'Gruffinus] inus added above. Aber Meney] portum de added above with insertion mark before Aber Meney. revertitur] remigium uiribus fretus added

*percrebuit] percrebruit MS; third r deleted. afferens] deleted andexultans added

above with insertion mark before revertitur.

above over gap. letitia] circumfusus est added above. paganis] deleted and alienigenis added above. posset liberare] deleted and tam feliciter liberasset

'(scilicet filios Merwydd) ... hominum] deleted and filiorum Merwydi, qui in asylum de Celynnawk propter metum et minas Powisianorum, aliorumque suorum cognatorum confugerant, necnon sexaginta alio added above.

added above; set then deletedand liberam fecisset added above. Iudas] ille added above with insertion mark after Iudas. Maccabaeus] olim added above with insertion mark after Maccabaeus.

Powisiae] confirmed by catchword. Jliorumque potentium] deleted and ... berti predicti added above. Tegeinglia] einglia deleted and enia added above; in auxilium added above. elegerat] deleted and miserat added above. .]si ] deleted.

'peractis] deleted and compositis added above. regerel deleted and disponere added above. virga ferrea] in addedabove virga with insertion mark before virga.

Lleyn] deleted and de Lleyn added above.

attamen] deletedand gloriose added above.






'nutricius] suus ac added above with insertionmark after nutricius. Varudril us

'elapso] deleted and interiecto added above. suasul deleted and consilio added above. recollegit] deleted and coegit added above. castrum] de added above with

added above. Brendan] d deleted. mons ille] deleted and qui locus added above. heremitae] admirabilis added above with insertion mark after heremitae.

insertion mark after castrum. custode] deleted and prefecto added above. et aliis] et added in left margin by main hand; equitibus added with insertion mark before alis.

Francis] et

N o r m a n n i s added above

with insertion mark after

Francis. in] inde added above. commigrarent] nt deletedand se receperunt added above.

Z e castris] e is restored (text before castris is missing); is deleted and um added above. cuncta] usque ..[ added above with insertion mark before cuncta; text

following usque has been lost. 3complures < >] illis viris Francis added above gap; illis viris then deleted and e added above. Gallorum] G lost; allorum deleted. salvi] deleted. sese] magna cum

[.] added above with insertion mark after sese; text after cum has been lost. prosperime] tam added above with insertion mark before prosperime; ime underlined and e added above.

'Adhuc tamen] Adhue deleted and At added above beginning of tamen. Griffinus] inus added above. mortifero] deleted and suo rapido added above. quasi] vibrat added above. videtur] deleted and videbatur addedabove. Frigiae] deleted and Phrigiae added above which was then deleted and Graecorum added above. proeliabatur] in bello Troiano added above next line with insertion mark before Tandem.

HITandem cum] Tandem deleted and At added above cum. visus sit] deleted and adcurrens added above. interficere] deleted and perfossuturus erat added above; turus then deleted and rus added above. Gwyneus] eus deletedand us added above; vero added above with insertion mark after Gwyneus. etiam] deleted. Monensis] id conspicatus, adcurrens added above with insertion mark after

Monensis. ut] changed to et, then deletedand et added above. deducat] attempt

made to change it to deduxit. erant]deleted and in statione erant added above. a quo] deleted and et inde added at beginning of next line. focarum] deleted and §14

Merwydd] dd deleted and di added above. in] deleted and adversus added above with insertion mark before Griffinum. insurrexerunt] latenter added above with insertion mark before insurrexerunt. familia] deleted and satellitibus added above. G r u f t i n i ini added above. apud e o s deleted a n di n illa regione added above.

?Griffinum] inum added above. Trahaern] um added above. pervenisset, statim] magnopere laetabatur, et tametsi am victus esset, et fuga salutem quaeritans added above and in right margin. Powisiae] confirmed by catchword.

3Gwrgeneus] us deletedand us added above. Caecili] inCotton Vitellius C.ix mab Ithael mab Gwerystan etc. added in right margin ni later hand.

Phocarum added above.

12insulae pars] deleted and pugna loci nomine added above. depugnatum] est added above with insertion mark after depugnatum. usque ad] celebratur added above. hunc]diem addedabove. vocitatur] deletedand appellatur added above.

13cum primis causa est] deletedand regnat ab initio added above. ISac] deleted and ac added above.

dignus] nus added in later hand at beginning of line. 17dicitur] hodie Lincolnia added above.

'Merwydd] final d deleted. Llyen] deleted and Lleyni added above. fautores] deleted and adiutores added above.

18Saxonibus < >]Pictisque added ni gap. sumpsit] added above by main hand and required b y sense.

Kellinawc] . . . Jens ideo . . . (dots after ideo in text) added above, then deleted and s u o stipendioapud added between deletion and main text.

§15 'principibusque] ibidem added above. iam] navibus added above with insertion

adventu] adventus MS; us deleted and u added above. Danmarcis] deleted and Danis added above.

mark before iam. reparatus] u changed to i.

'sulcantibus] sultantibus MS; tantibus deleted and cantibus written above. Trahaern] um added above end of word.





*qui] ac omnes suos added above. itaque]deleted. Llyen et Ardudwy] deleted and subito added above with insertion mark before transmigrare. fecit] ad es added

2Rysus ap Theodvr] deleted and Rhesus filius Theodori added above. Menevensis] et added above with insertion mark before Menevensis. chorus] ac added above with insertion mark before chorus. Menevenses] deleted and

above with insertion mark after fect. Meirionyth] de added above with insertion

ecclesiae Menevensis added above. Rhysusque] deleted and Rhesusque primus

Lleyno et Ardudio added above. suas] ac facultates addedabove. transmigrare]

mark before Meirionyth. quem eorum opere aequificerat] deleted. adverso!

added above.

Gruphynus inserted after adverso. Griffins] deleted. in Llyen] deleted and Lleyni added above. Arvonial changed to Arvoniae. transportat] facultatem added above and then deleted. securi] deletedand ibi incolumes added above.

'tu] inquit Griffinus added above with insertion mark after tu. Rysus] deleted and Rhesus added above.

Scives domesticique eius] deleted and auxiliari Dani suique satellites praetori

modicae ditionis] deleted and nuper regions added above. et interritus]deleted

added above. promissa] stipendia added above. depopulatil de V ... MS; overwritten by depopulati in darker ink. tentant] deleted and festinant added

and ac pene obrutus added above.


"reges] deleted and reguli added above. delati] sunt added above with insertion mark after delati. cives] deleted and eius opes added above. opes] deleted.

civium] deletedand domesticorum added above.

exhauriunt] u n tdeleted and entes added above.


'pullularunt] exorta sunt addedabove and then deleted.

2paulo] quod added above. < > ductoribus] ductoribus deleted and belli duces

"Guenta vch coet et iscoet] deleted and Gwentaquae supra, et infra sylvam sita est added above. asseclis suis] deleted and satellitibus suis added above. incolae] ae changed to is. Morganne] de added above with insertion mark before Morgannve; ve overwritten by we. una cum] deleted and cum plurimis alis

added above. Rutlandiae] de added above with insertion mark before Rutlandiae; diae then deleted. Salopiae]de added above with insertion mark before Salopiae; e of Salopiae deleted.comites] deleted and comes addedabove. Gwrgeneu ap Seisill

etiam Arustlianis added above; ni Arwystli wy deleted and u added above, and

changed to Gwrganeo filio Caecilii. in Llyen] deleted and Leynum added above.

anis added to the end.


balistaris et added above. et Trahaearn rex cum habitantibus Arwystlil deleted and Meiliricus filius Riwallanicum suis Powisianis, et Trahaernus Rex cum suis

insertion mark before tanta. quasi] fuit inserted above with insertion mark before

1°ppressorum] deleted and eorum, qui Rhesi patriam tanta clade affecerunt added above. aestuans] ex added above the beginning of the word. quaerit] ab eo added above. hostes eius oppugnaret]deleted and contra illos eius hostes secum

quasi; both words then deleted. terras] mendicantes added above and then

bellum gereret added above.

deleted. dispersus] deleted and perfugatus est added above. servient] vient deleted and viebant added above. alibi] deleted and in exilio per multos annos

'inquit] deleted and (inquit Rhesus) added above. foederis] ineundi added above.

3pro desertol deleted and desolata et inculta added above.

habebaretur MS; deleted and remansit added above. tanta] a added above with

added above. 818

prima] haec added above.

'Quo confirmato] iureiurando added above. ab episcopo accepta] deleted and interposita added above. accepit] acce deleted and arri added above. amicisque

§17 trivisset curiam < > apud Diermit] heavily deleted and difficult to read; the

manuscript has a gap after curiam; apud Diermit expanded from adiermit; hospitio exceptus esset apud Diermit added above. illustres] deleted and nobiles

added above. classem] insignem added above. Porthlarg] de added above with

insertion mark after Porthlarg. civibus] deletedand Danis added above.

alis] deleted and plurimisque Venedot[.] added above (end of word lost at edge of page). centum sexaginta] et added above with insertion mark after centum agmen primum ductante Kyndelw filius < > Monensis] Kyndelw changed to Kyndeluo; gap in manuscript between filius and Monensis; wholephrase deleted and duce Cyndelo filio Conusi Monensis added above.




"Resus] h inserted after R. quod] MS has gd which was deleted and quod added above. est n a c t u se s t deleted; esset added above nactus.

'bellum] deleted and proelium added above. advesperascit] et lux defectura est added with insertion mark. manum] deleted. habeo in eos] manu added above and then deleted and cohorte added above.

'continentur] tinentur deleted and turbantur added above. cuspidibus ferentes] cultellata added above. conspiciunt] et hastatos scutatosque Venedotos contra pervenire added above; se then added above contra. leol indefessus added above. provocans] deleted and excitans a d d e dabove and changed to incitans. exhortans] magnanime added above and then deleted and alacriter added above.

'atrox] ×deletedand cissimum added above. cruentum] um then changed to us. ni quo ne filius quidem patri pepercit] deleted and cuius famam post parentum mortem longe celebrabunt fili added above; parentum then deleted and patrum added above; celebrabunt then deleted and exaudient added above.

10militum] deleted and proeliantium added above. fremitu] fremitum MS; m deleted; tu added above. ac] added above by main hand. pugnaces] dimicantium added above.


diem posterum adeo acriter persecutus est added above. ex] vix deleted and ex added above probably by original hand.

15ab hoc bello terribili] changed to post h o bellum terrible. confectol o deleted and um added above. Rhesus subduxit] ne periculum proditionisa Griffino sibi intenderetur added above; periculum deleted; proditionis changed to proditio; sibi deleted at end of line. a tutela et societate uni tam illustris]deleted and sub crepusculum ab amicitia et consortio illius added above. < >] gap filled by dedit in later hand.

leius] deleted and suos added above. ditionem] Rhesi added above with insertion mark after ditionem. constituit]deleted and iussit added above.

17Montes] tes deleted and s added above. quibus] ibus deleted and o added. montes] s deleted and m added above. ibi lapidum cumulus] Garnedd, i. e. added

above. thesauros absconditos olim opinantur] deleted and heroem aliquem multis antea seculis sepeliri ferunt added above; sepeliri then deleted and sepultum esse added above.

18devastasset] Gruphinus added above with insertion mark after devastasset. tractis] deleted and abductis sicque added above. illarum]deletedand suorum added above. ubi summa] victoria potitus added above.

20fusis] gap ni manuscript after fusis. solitudinem] penitus added above with insertion markafter solitudinem. < > regebat]gap before regebat, then deleted and reversus est ut eam quietam et pace felicem redderet ac gubernaretadded above.

"'exercitus] deleted and copiae added above. subiugarent] deleted and pugnarent sibique cedere compellerent added above; pugnarent then deleted and delerent

Venedotiaque] que deleted and sic added ni front. summa] deleted and magna addedabove. spacium] deleted and tempus added above.

a d d e d below.

12Trahaern] us added above end of word. viventibus] changed to viventes. carpere] changed tocarpendo. ex armis] deleted and et super arma palpare added above.

$19 'illi fidelitate obstrictus] deleted and suus diabolico incitatus telo addedabove.

?Duos] comites added in right margin. de castro Baldwinil deletedand de Montegomerico added above. persuasit] deleted and iussit added above. ut]

13Gucharki] u overwritten with w; us added above end o fword. conduerat] uerat deleted and idit added above. ho] deleted and eodem added above. familia eius]

added above but required by sense. peditesque] magno numero added above with

deleted and stipatoribus eius added above. quasi eum stipantes] deleted. alii vero]

insertion mark after pedites.

eorum added above with insertion mark after vero. agmine] deleti sunt added above and then deleted, and deleti added above. praeterea] deleted and suorum added above. in fugam] que added to in.

'in terminis] deleted and ad confinia tui added above.

Hex consueta vincendi experientia] deleted and vero victor more suo consueto

*summo] pere added above end of word. ad colloquendum venire] cum tuis auxiliaris, et hospitibus added above. salve] deleted and sine periclo added in

added above. tota n o t e ] illa added above. p e r s e q u i t u r deleted a n d et per totum

right margin.




Seum mandarunt] statim added above with insertion mark after eum.

"confirmavit] deleted a n d confecit added above. pergeret] o b metum added above and then deleted. proderet] ur added above. F r a n c s ] deleted a n da F r a n c i sadded

•famulos] sectatores added above and then deleted and hospites added after



"Egimir, Gellan, Merwyd, Edenyved] us added to the end of each name; ac added

'Aliil deleted and caeteri added above.

before Edenyved. ad se receperunt] compassione moti added above. solitudinis] deleted a n ddesertis a d d e dabove.


'Coaetaneil deleteda n d amici ac domestic added above. stature] ae changed to a. mediocris] s deleted. capite] underlined and cerebro added above. formosil i

deleted and overwritten with a. coloris] deleted. decenter latis] deleted and cum decore grandioribus added above.

doctrine fuerat perpolitus] perpolitus

changed to perpolitum; whole phrase then deleted and expertum added above; expertum then deleted and peritum added above. linguarum] scientia added above. excellens] s deleted and tem added above. in proeliis] et added above in

8At diebus mensibusque transeuntibus cum] deleted and post aliquot menses added above. viris] i deleted and o added above. illi adhaerentibus] deleted and ad

illum coegerunt addedabove. per] ac added above with insertion mark before per. quasi erro quidam] deleted and de loco in locum palantes added above. circumiuit] umiuit deletedand umeunt added above; the whole word then deleted and peragrant added above. inferenda] da deleted and tes added above. quamdiu) deleted a n ddumquoad added above; this then deleted and dum added above.


'castellis] deleted and praesidis added above. machinantem] deleted and

ingentes adduxit added above. castella] ac added above beginning of word. dominaretur] deletedand facilius imperaret added above. Arvon] ia added above

iculam added above. Aberdaron] de added above with insertion mark before

'ducens non postposuit] ad added before ducens; whole phrase then deleted and

end of word.

operantem addedabove. cervum] defessum addedabove. navem] em deleted and Aberdaron. puppi] deleted and navicula added above. solvebat] flumine miscopied a f t e rsolvebat and deleted. reperit] et inde mox in Hiberniam reversus est added after.

?Constantii] ending changed to is. ad < > gap in main textfilled by eorum defensionem. posuit] deleted and collocavit. Qui added above. tantaque] que


deleted. usus est] deleted and tantisque malis patriae incolas affecerunt added

'aliaque] second a deleted and as added above; this then deleted and aliaque

above and extending over next line. unquam aetas] antea added above.

added above. ad] not in MS but requiredb ysense.

3At] Et added above.

?quoque] d added above; primis suis temporibus] deleted and tunc primum addedabove. accepturum] text has accepturus corrected to accepturum.

§22 'sic] deleted a n dadded above evenit with insertion mark before evenit. Hir] deleted

3adventum] m deleted.

and Longus added above. sodalico modico] deleted and paucis sodalibus added

above. vinctum] deleted. regem] vinculis astrictum added above. amplexibus]

*cum] inde added above with insertion mark before cum. navium Monam] sibi in

deleted and dorso added above. conatur deleted and cum socis conficit added above. tacitus] us deleted and e added above.

subsidium concessa added above. proeliatur] changed to proeliaretur.

?Sandef] fdeleted and vus added above. ap Ayre] deleted and filius Avrei added

"galeatos] et added above with insertion mark before galeatos. bipennibusque]

above. defensit < >] gap in manuscript afterdefensit: ei necessaria subministravit added above.

deleted and sua bipenni added above. armatos] o changed to u. 'navesque] auxiliariae added above. Dinieut] deleted and Phocarum vel

§sibi familiarissimis] deleted and electissimis amicis tantummodo addedabove. nobilitate praestantem] in illa regione added above.

vitulorum marinorum insula added above and in right and left margin. °Lleyn] deleted and Leynum added above.




1°gui ad principis ... tenebantur] deleted and scilicet added above. Lleyn]deleted

§24 'Angharat] am added above end of word.Ywein ap Edwin] deleted and Oweni filii Edwini principis Tegeniae, nune Englefeld added above. principatus] deleted and provinciae added above. sapientem fuisse] deleted and feminam added above.


and Leyno added above. Arvon] ia added at end of word. Ros] deleted and Rossia added above. ac Dyffryn Clwyt] deleted and et Dyffrynclwyt, i.e. valle Cluydana qui ad sui legitimi principis obsequia exequenda fidem suam tradunt added above and below.

modestam] deleted and fuisse ingenue staturae added above. oculis ac < > corpore accipitrino] subgrandioribus in right margin; gap before corpore (into

perlegente] deleted and adiuvante added above. optimo maximo] MS has opt. max. exaedificatum] esse added above. expugnavit] ex deleted and op added above.

added above whole phrase.

presidiis] deleted and propugnaculis added above. saxa deiecerunt] balistis

deleted; que then deleted and ac added above, then added before gesta; cibi et

fundis added above. instrumentis] bellicis added above with insertion mark after

instrumentis. quotidiano] final o changed to ae. assiduo] changed to assiduae.

oppugnationis] changed to oppugnatione; Cambrorum added above; certamine

which splendentibus was inserted); accipitrino deleted; accipitrino, vel erecto ›sermone] ac added above with insertion mark before sermone. gestaque decoram]

potus largitione liberalem added above.

3Cadwallon, Ywein ac Kadwalady] deleted and Cadwallanum, Owenum, et

Wallorum] deleted.

Cadwalladerum added above. Gwenllian] am added above end of word. Margret]

1'caepit] ae deleted and e addedabove.

aretam added above end of word; Marretam added above. Ranillt] deletedand Raynildem added above. Annest] deleted and et Agnetam added above. fuere]

14devinctis] sic fordevictis; inctis deletedand ictis added above. vacuam] deleted and liberam added above. paternam hereditatem adeptus est] deleted and suum principatum denuo recepit de suis hostibus condignas sumens sic added above. Venedotiaque] que deleted. est usa est deletedand est added after usa.

etiam added above.


lensis longil deleted and longa spatha added above. mingentem ad parietem] deleted a n d quidem ullum vivum added above.

SI postquam] quam deleted and ac added above; then postac deleted and cum added above. pugnasset] ss deleted and r added above. missis sexaginta] deleted and centum viginti added above. militum] um deleted and ibus added above. ad incendia et predas agendas] deleted and comitatus ac castellum incenderat ac penitus devastasset added above; rat deleted and set addedabove; omnia added

deleted. superesset] deinceps added above.

above with insertion mark before penitus. excidisset] excid deleted and perven added above. penitusque omnia devastasset] deleted. aliam] a changed to u; m

ac]deleted. intra] deleted and ad locum vocatum added above. castella] a deleted

deleted and d added above. regionem] deleted and latus added above. ali] deleted. coeptum] ad added above with insertion mark before coeptum. aggreditur] deleted and progreditur added above. continuata] deleted and renovata added above.

16Gellan] us added above end of word. Cytharedus] .i archimusicus added above.

17Quanta] deleted andPaternus fortasse qua added above. quanto deleted and ac quo added above. perpolitum esse oporteret quil eum added above with insertion

mark before qui; whole phrase then deleted and excelluit added above. facinora] ac addedabove with insertion mark after facinora. ingenue] ego added above with insertion mark before ingenue. essel me added above with insertion mark before esse. < >] filled with numeris. Homerum] deleted and poesi Maronem addedabove.

'scindere] deleted and omnes succidere added above. imbecilliores] deleted;

Gwindyt, i. Venedoti added above. tutarentur] deinceps added above and then 3primus] s deleted and suspension markfor m added above. omnium tabernacula

and um added above. muris cincta] deleted and muratum added above.

S < > in occursum] gap in MS before in; in occursum deleted. totius principatus]

sui added above. collegit] ac adversus regem Gulielmum eduxitadded above with insertion mark after collegit. exercitus] regisadded above.

intestina terrae] deleted and regionem mediterraneam added above. pervenit] deleted and exercitum reduxit added above. ex ho] deleted and in quo added above. minatus] esset added above with insertion mark after minatus.

'Anglus] deleted. currus] deleted and armigerosadded above.





°copiael quum interim added above with insertion mark before copiae. nocerent]

suspension mark for second n deleted. latitabant] n deleted; quo se added above

nimium added at end o fline.

with insertion mark before latitabat. occultabant]suspension markfor n deleted. Francorum] Iudaicorum scilicet added above with insertion mark before

§26 'classem onustam] militibus added above. caeperunt] a edeleted and e added above. vlcisceretur] catchword vlcisseretur.

Francorum. aliarum] changed to aliorum. externarum gentium] deleted and barbarorum added above. advapulabant] vapulabantdeleted and venerant added

above; Quoniam (ut divinum dicit eloquium) cecidit populus sine duce added after advapulabant.

?Ad hanc rem ... Salopiae] deleted probably by Wiliems (see Apparatus (b)). Griffino] Griffinus MS; us deleted and o added above.

1comitibus] et mora non fuit added above.

3duc*nt) navibus added above and then deleted; classe added under deletion. Yweino ap Etwin] deleted and ac copiis Oweno filio Edwini added above. Vthtrico] deleted and Ughtredo added above.

§27 'regia] ia deleted and alis quaedam added above. a Francis] deleted. (siquidem iam dominasset Danos foedifragos] deleted and contristati sunt Franci ac

4Res haec] omnis added above. Venedotiae] a deleted. Powisiae] e deleted and ni

deleted a n d o added above. deceperant] overwritten by defecerant. ad consuetas]

added above. incolas quasi e somno excitavit] deleted and in unum convenerunt

ac Franci vero added above with insertion mark before ad.

foedifragi illi Dani added above. Griffinum] a added before Griffinum; um

added above. fortius] deleted. abiecto quamvis obediendi vel ore] deleted; vel ore uncertain; totis viribus ne subiugarentur added above.

'firmare] deleted and securitatem ac added above. pacem] accipere added above with insertion mark after pacem. rationibus] optime added above with insertion

Kadwgan] Kadwallawn MS; wn deleted and nus added above; then completely deleted and Caduganus added above. Meredith] deleted and Maredithus added above; fili Blethyni fili Cynuyn added in left margin. suos] changed to suas and res added above. capto] ibi added above. Monam receperunt] cum Griffino

mark before rationibus. optime] deleted.

added above.

3timebant] Franci added above with insertion mark after timebant. parte] simul added above with insertion mark after parte. foret] quod ut sperabant effectum est added after foret.

classis] Hybernicae addedabove. promissis] deleted and pollicitis added above. Griffinum] um changed to o; a added before Griffino. fallerent] deleted and

added above. gravissima servitute oppressum v…..]da spe] deleteda n dpartially

deficerent addedabove.

illegible; carceribus circ*msessos added over gravissima servitute. pellexerunt]

Sanimil mi added above. classis] s u e auxiliariae added above with insertion mark after classis.

pellexit MS; it deleted and erunt added above. ne aetas sequens maiorumsuorum tantas clades olim recordaretur] deleted and post tantam tamque immanem cladem perpessos quantam ne posteri quidem aetates post multas maiorum

°Cadwgan] o added at end of word. ap Bleddyn] deleted and filio Blethini suo genero added above. eiusque] eius deleted and sua added above. premuntur] maximo added above. promisit] deleted and clementiae, et bonitatis sue non oblitus consueverit addedabove and continued into next line.

1quaesiuit] vit added above. ut] deleted and ac added above. specibus] i overwritten with u. locis palustribus] deleted and alnets added above. agris incultis, cisternis, paludibus, ruderibus] deleted and filicetis montium iugis locisque precipitibus paludibus et incultis added above; dibus then deleted and stribus added above.

aliis] inaccessis added above with insertion mark after alis. absconderent]

'miserrimum] um deleted and os added above. populum] deleted and Cambros

actates oblivioni tradere non possent addedabove and below; then, post deleted; first aetates deleted; non possent deletedand poterint added above. §28 'LIvchlyn] deleted and Llychlini, uel Noruegiae added above. singularis anima]

reading uncertain but seems to be singulari anima; deleted and misericordia singularis added above. 2praessuris] deleted and partially illegible; suis calamitatibus added above. anxietatibus] difficult to read; deleted and malis added above. Deus eam salvam fecit] deletedand exaudivit eam Deus addedabove.





'quique in terram e navibus erant expositi] deleted and partially illegible; cum suis classics pugnabant added above; pugnabant then deleted and pugnatoribus

'obeses] deleted and inutiles added above. imbecillas] becillas deleted and potentes addedabove.

added above.

Saltum petierunt] in added before altum; petierunt deleted and soluerunt added Garboribus] ficiferis added above. Danorum] deleted and Noruegensium Lychlynensium added above.


'pracerat] deleted and imperabat added above. alios mortel mulctando added

'rex] autem ipse magnanimus added above. sagittam] followed by gap in manuscriptfilled by torquens. Hugonis] is changed to em. exanimatus] atus deleted and is added above. licet armatus prosternitur diutiusque cum ferro luctatur] deleted and ex equo suo armato cadit ac super arma aliquamdiu luctatur moribundus added above.

above with insertion mark after alios. ascissionel b added after a with insertion mark. exilio perpetuo] endings changed to um. mulctandol deleted.

'fortuito] deleted; luctabili added above and then deleted. Danis] deleted and

2comitem] Cestriae added above with insertion mark after comitem.


'subditosque] suos added above.

Lichlinensium ictibus added above.

3cantredol de Rossi added above with insertion mark after cantredo.

"subduxit] quia cum ingenti militum manu iter h o suscepisset addedabove with

insertion mark after subduxit. totius orbis ultimael deleted and extra orbis

terminos added above. cum ingenti militum manu iter hoc suscepisset] deleted and ut Ferillus dixit: Britannos a toto orbe penitus esse discretos ex alienis added above; discretos then deleted and separatos added above; separatos then deleted a n ddiuisos added above.


'tot] deleted and tandem added above. annorum spacio] aliquot added above.

Bangorensis] Eruynii added above ni left margin with insertion mark before Bangorensis. vitam, favorem, familiaritatem] deleted and salutem, amorem added above. multarum rerum cognitionem adepts] deletedand intellegendi et sermonis gratiam addedabove; intellegendi then deleted.


'Comes] Cestriae added above with insertion mark after Comes. Franci < >] large gap ni manuscript after Franci filled by ob discessum Magni regis Noruegensium. perfusi] captivos Venedotos, et suas added above with insertion mark after perfusi. quas egerunt secum] deleted. < >] filled by ni tutiora. cantredorum] orum deleted and i added above; de Rhossia added above and then deleted. Monael deleted. metu etiam Griffini quem singulis momentis expectarent] metum MS; whole phrase deletedand Griffini adventum de hora ni horam metuentes added above. quo etiam in loco| etiam deleted. inhabitantium

2Lleyn] de added ni front with insertion mark. incolis] ac written after incolis ni error and then deleted. < ]> ac praedis added ni gap; spolis universis added


3in illorum] suos subditos added above: o of illorum deleted and a added above.

possessionem intrat] the final m of possessionem deleted; intrat deleted and

adduxit added above. potentes] deleted and divites superbos added above. exaltat

humiles] humiles deleted and et humiles ni eorum locos added above with

frumenta bovesquel deleted and cuiusque animalia capta added above; reliquasque praedas added at end of line. sunt partitil omnes numerabant ac in duas partes added above with insertion mark before sunt. transportarunt] runt

insertion mark before exaltat; egenum added above. fact] potentem added above in right margin with insertion mark after f a c t . qui hominem] et added before qui.

deleted and wit added above; Comes added at endof sentence.

prospere] e deleted and overwritten by rime; paulatim succedunt added above.

Zaderant] etiam added above with insertion mark after aderant.

quia] abbreviationexpanded above.


deleted and prodiderant added above. quia] deleted and quam added above. virginum] captarum added above. amplissimum perfi] deleted and in sue perfi added above. premium] accepturi added above.

Delabuntur) deleted and confugiunt added above; gap in MS after delabuntur. Ros] deleted and Rossia added above. muneribus] deleted; rebus suis added

above. Hugonis] deleted and Cestriae added above.multitudineml inemdeleted and oadded above. abundabat] deleted and augere coepit added at end of line.




'ibi gubernando habitabat;] deleted and imperabatadded above. inde] que added.


'reciperet] MS has receperet with se added above; peret then deleted and pit added above.

"Venedocia] c changed ot .t potentiam] deleted and suis viribus imperiumadded above.

1°Comites] Cestriae added above with insertion mark after Comites.

'etiam] singulos added above with insertion mark after etiam. crebras] deleted and superiores added above. expressil deleted and in servitium adacti added above; servitium deleted and exilium added above. gaudio] opibus ac added above with

12fautores] deleted and viri added above. non] deletedand non added above. at insidiae sue changed to insidiosa sua and proposita added above with insertion

insertion mark before gaudio. reversi] deleted and added after Babylonica.

mark after sua.


non poterant]insidiae suae omnino perficere added at beginning of next line;


'quia] changed to quod by addition of d above. possessiones ... evicerit] deleted

'tantos] hosce added above with insertion mark after tantos. regumque] aliorum

and ditionem suam occupaverat Gruphinus added above; sic then addedabove occupaverat with insertion mark after suam; occupaverat changed to occupaverit.

added in left margin; the whole phrase deleted and regisque added after it. Murchathi] ur lost ni tear at top of page; spelling taken from Cotton Vitellius C.ix. pracerant] nt deleted and t added above. percelebre] per deleted.

2thesaurum exfodit maximos sumptus erogando et in] MS reads erogand;

reading unclear ni places; a phrase was added above exfodit maximas with insertion mark after exfodit, then deleted and now illegible; ni magnamexponit

ac viaticum liberale equitibus ac peditibus domo dedit added above and then deleted; aerarium suum recondit, sumptusque ingentes in equites ac pedites fecit added above Itaque running along the top of the page; aerarium suum recondit virtually illegible ni the damage at the top of the page but restoredfrom the later copies. regem] etiam added above with insertion mark after regem. Australesque] que deleted and ac inserted i nfront. Cambros] secum adduxit

added above with insertion mark after Cambros.

2pomaria] ac added above with insertion mark after pomaria. hortos] colere added above with insertion mark after hortos. stagnis] deleted and agnis added above, then deleted. edificia] murataque added above with insertion mark ni front of edificia; murata added after aedificia and then deleted. fructus] terrae added above with insertion mark before fructus. usum colligere] deleted and alimenti usum convertere added above.

'magnifice exedificasset et sustentasset] deleted and construxerat, ac honorifica conviviorum liberalitate assidue sustentaret added above; construxerat then changed to construxit; sustentaret then deleted and celebrabat added above.

Has copias] cum added above with insertion mark before has; has copias changed to h i s copiis. ducit] deleted and ingressus est added above. intra murata castella] deleted and apud Murcastell added above. 'Ipse] something, now illegible, deleted above Ipse. necessitates] deleted and stratagemata ac pericula added above. quasi]deleted.

"praeclarum] deleted and magnum added above. posuit] deleted. scilicet] deleted.

ut] deleted and posuit hoc consilio ut added above. eradicaret] deleted and

everteret added above. eius] omnes added above with insertion mark after eius. funditus perimeret] deleted and ad extremam internecionem redigeret addedabove.

§Verum] deleted and Hoc audito added above. suos] in aciem added above with insertion mark after suos. recollegit] re deleted. praeciosis quibuscumque] deleted and familis suis added above; this then deleted and domesticis suis ac colonis added above.

4vero efflueret] deleted and referam amplius added above.

›Venedocia] c changed to .t cum] deleted and iam dealbatis added above; iam

then deleted and tunc added above. < >] splendere added ni gap and then overwritten to make splendescebat; gap left in manuscript after splendere. iam] deleted and non aliter quam added above. firmamento] o changed to um. ac deleted. cum] deleted. dedicationibus] reading uncertain; manuscript seems to have didioeibus. etiam] deleted. Regnis] sibi added i nright margin. vicinis aluit]

deleted and finitimis conservans added above. in] deleted. preposito s] end of word lost in tear in page. coll...Ivelit] deleted and difficult to read; ut regere

discerent added above and only partially legible due to tear ni edge of page. essent] quasi moenia immobilia added above. quasi deleted: adversus added in space after quasi. cum] deleted. extraneis nationibus] changed to extraneas

nationes. oppositio cum his qui] deleted and illosque barbaros added above. rebus novis studere vellent]deleted and nova contra se molirentur addedabove






Reguli] vero added above with insertion mark after reguli. eius] ad added above

2quae illis olim] deleted and quales viri postea added above. eventura] a changed

with insertion mark before eius. curiam] ac patrocinium added above with

to i. patriarchael e deleted.

insertion mark after curiam. petebant] deleted and confugiebant added above. interdum] deleted. impetrandi, interdum consolationis ac] deleted; ac then

3duas terrae portiones] underlined and duo mesuagia e l patrimonia added

added above. consilii causa] sui impetrandi added above with insertion mark betweenconsili and causa. urgebant] bant deleted andrent added above.

above; terrae changed to terrarum. porticibus] deleted and porthmiis added above. Abermeney] de added above with insertion mark in front ofAbermeney;

portoriis added above but referring to porticibus and porthmiis.

§34 'misericordiael deleted and misericordiae ac pietatis added above. apud se

tet filiorum] deleted and ac nepotum added above. partes assignavit ad comodius post [...] discessum vivendum] deleted and difficult to read due to damage to the

cogitans] deleted and animo secum versans uersus added above (reading unclear); then versans versus deleted and reuoluens added above. quam eius]

corner of thepage; partem rerum suarum tribuit, [p. 54] qua comodius post eius

above. in secretiorem] propositum etiam habit added above with insertion mark

C.ix). mortem flebilibus vocibus sunt] deleted and obitum magno maerore ac luctu added above. persequuti] sunt added above with insertion mark after

deleted and quod added above. esset relicturus] deleted and a m reliquisset added

before in; ac solitarium added above with insertion mark after secretiorem. contemptis] a c abiectis added above with insertion mark after contemptis.

'rex] insertion mark after rex; addition lost, but Cotton Vitellius C.ix has olim. in partes divisit] deleteda n d distribuit added above partes.

4Dublinorum] MS reads Dublinum; apud added above with insertion mark ni front. abbatis] t i s deleted and this added above.

mortem ducere vitam possent added above (text in italics from Cotton Vitellius

persequuti. Iudeei] olim written in error after ludeei and deleted.

"Bangor] ensi added above end of word. splendido erecto monumento] splendido

deleted and splendida added above; erecto changed to erecta; deleted a n d tumba added above.


Sut) nos added ni left margin with insertion mark before ut. praeclarorum] bonorum ac addedabove with insertion mark before praeclarorum.

SEtiam amplius quod] deleted. legavit] plus added above with insertion mark in f r o n t o flegavit.

(b) Other annotation in Peniarth MS 434 6Penmonael ecclesis added above with insertion mark before Penmonae. Sancti

Germani. Dinerth\ deleted. multisque] Sancti Germani, ac Dinerthi tantundem added above. et] deleted. precipis] deleted. ecclesiis] principalibus added above.

"Haec] deleted; bona illa added at end of line. episcopis, archidiacanis] changed to episcopo, archidiacano; quae dedit added above and ni left margin with insertion

mark in front of episcopis. indigentibus concessit ut] deleted and egenis dedit ego

added above. protectione] final e changed to i. defensitaretur] deleted and c o m m e n d a b o added above.

The annotations of Edward Thelwall are noted in Apparatus (a) above. Most of the other annotation is by Thomas Wiliems, but there are also further notes

by others. For Wiliems, see the Introduction, p. 5. Wiliems's annotations are usually easy to identify as they are indicated in the margin by a characteristic flower symbol and written in a dense black ink in sharp contrast to the brown

inks of the rest of the manuscript (see, for example, Plate 1, .1 11, Plate 3, 11. 2-11); many of his annotations are in the margins and he indicates the word

or phrase in the text to which it refers by underlining. The most systematic annotation is a series of numbers in pencil on every other page usually in the


middle of the page (see, for example, Plates 1 and 3); this is Horwood's foliation

'eum] ad deleted after eum. archidiaconus] vir aetate ac prudentia maturus

of the manuscript (James Horwood was a nineteenth-century owner of the manuscript; see the Introduction, p. 6).

added above. hom*o et doctrina et sapientia insignis] deleted; catchword on previous page is hom*o et doctrina but omitted at the top of next page and added above by main hand. compluresque aliesque ali lost ni tear ni page but restored from Cotton Vitellius C.ix. discipulil deleted and scholastic added above.

In what follows, the annotation in the manuscript is listed ni textual order. The annotation is by ThomasWiliems unless marked by .* It should be noted

that not all of the annotation refers to the main text; some of it changes or

modifies Thelwall's annotations. The order of an entry is as follows: the text of



the note, page reference in manuscript: location in text including an indication

of whether it refers to the main text or to Thelwall's annotatio ns (indicated by

(Th)), and its location ni the edited text of VGC by paragraph and sentence number. For the first nine pages of the manuscript where the top of the page si badly damaged, line numbers are counted from the bottom of the page; this is



13.11: left margin, tunicam (Th) (§11/2)


13.11: above yskin (Th) ($11/2) 13.12: above contextam (§11/2) 13.18: insert before suorum (Th) ($12/2) 13.18: above cognatorum (Th) ($12/2) 14.5:above Isti animosi ($12/3) 14.9: above Abermeney consederat (§12/4) 14.11: left margin, iuvenis ($12/4)



ex cognatione sua

indicated by a minus sign after the line number. Much of the annotation is

cum industria

interlinear; since most of the annotation has been placed above the word or

portum interdictum

phrase to which it refers, the line references refer to the line beneath the annotation.

liberali s

Insert means that the word has been added above, with an insertion mark

*Reg. 1

showing where it is to be understood.

centurias *8


1.14-: above Swrth ($1/1)

1.7-: foliation (s. xix) ($1/3) purpur *2

*3 *munitiones deletion c o n t i n e n t i s vel m i n o r e m

contemporanei ad


Ego dixi *5

11.-: above ceruleae ($3/1) 3.9-: foliation (s. xix) (84/1) 5.7-:foliation (s. xix) (85/6)

illorum hortatu

permagnum conduxit

angustae multa milia

5.3-: left margin, oppugnacula (Th) (§5/7) 6.4-: citeriorem deleted.

6.4-: above Wallice Lydaw (§5/10) 7.13-: left margin, coetanei ($5/13) 7.11-: insert after quae (§5/14) 7.9-: foliation (s. xix) ($6/1) 9.11-: above vos, dii (($7/1) 9.9-: foliation (s. xix) ($7/1)

optimatum rex

que et

*9 conspirarunt

14.16: leftmargin (biblical reference) (§12/4) 15.7: left margin (part of .1 7 missing) (§12/5) 15.8: foliation (s. xix) (§12/5) 15.11: insert before exercitum (§12/6) 15.11: above copiosum($12/6) 15.12: aboveducit ($12/6)

15.14: left margin, Kyning (§12/6) 15.17: left margin, plus quam mille (Th) ($12/7)

16.15: left margin, proborum hominum ($13/1) 17.8: above reges ($13/4) 17.8: added to Barones (§13/4) 17.8: insert before cognati (§13/4) 17.9:foliation (s. xix) (§13/4) 17.13: left margin, latenter (Th) insurrexerunt ($14/1)

pres agir e

9.15-: left margin, prophetasse (§8/1)


10.11: above annos (89/1)


11.3: left margin (end of .1 3 missing) (§9/2)

et victum et fugatum


11.6: left margin, humiliter ($9/2)

insertion mark in ditionem

tunc temporis


17.14-15: right margin full of notes in different hand, then scrawled through. 17.17: above Trahaern(um) (§14/2) 18.5: after [cohorte, but insertion lost ($14/3) 18.9: above ductores fiunt ($14/4) 18.14: left margin, bellum (§14/7) 18.15: above decertatum est (§14/7) 18.16: insert after Griffini ($14/8)

11.15: (810/2)


19.3: left margin, cantredos (§14/9)

Ve n e d o t i a e

11.16: above deleted gereba nt ($10/2)


19.8: insertafter proditorum ($14/10)


11.17: added to Kynwric ($10/2)

telo v i b r a t o

19.9: above stricto gladio ($14/10)

illis impertiebam dicentes venisti exoptate

12.6: above Isti (§10/4) 12.6: above Isti (810/4) 12.7: above salutant (§10/4)


12.10: left margin, vindicanda ($10/5)

v n an i m i l

11.8: insert before Consensum (§6/8) (cf. 40.3 below)

*6 *ulcat

Illi autem

11.10: foliation (s. xix) ($9/3)

11.14: added in gap (§10/1)

prelium caedes fit magna

19.10: above Gwyneus; c addedbefore us abduxit *10


12.18: insert after Robertum ($10/6)

12.12: left margin before secum($10/5)

congressus f o r t u n e mutabilitate


13.10: foliation (s. xix) ($11/2)



(814/11) 19.11: right margin, aufert (§14/11) 19.12: foliation (s. xix) (§14/11)

19.15: left margin, pugna (Th) ($14/12)

20.1: insert before vincere ($14/13) 20.6: insert after d e i($14/14)




et bellator insignis

20. 12: above numquam intermoritura


praec ipua par pari retulit

20.13: above bella ($14/16) 20.17: left margin, oppressoribus . . . resistere (814/18)

quamvis am aetate ingravescens 20.17: above oppressoribus poenas dignas


animo ob suppetias *13

unius diei sicque factum est gladiis ferreis

25.5: before laetus (§18/2) 25.5: above laetus simul. then d e l e t e d($18/2) 25.7: foliation (s. x i x ) (§18/3)

25.8: above iam itinere ($18/3) 25.14:above dixerat praestabat ($18/6)

25.17:above iacula ferreis (§18/7)


21.2: above regibus (815/1)

bellatorem adve rsari os disiic iens

illum hortati sunt

21.3: above persuadere glossing persuadere conatur (§15/1)


26.1: insert after Griffinus (§18/8) 26.2: above inimicos prosternens(§18/8) 26.2 (sicfor coruscante): left margin cuncto

et militibus

filio praeter quod parentes

(§18/8) 26.5: left margin famam post . . . exaudient


21.5: above instructis (§15/1) 21.9:foliation (s. xix) ($15/3)


21.11: above contabescere ($15/3)

strenue dimicant

facultatum suorum

21.15: above reliquam ($15/4)

m o r inn




21.16: above ni Monam, then deleted ni same ink ($15/4)

21.18:added in stipendia (Th) (815/5)

Inter haec

mo rtu us pro ste rni t

(Th) ($18/9)

26.10: left margin delerent (§18/11) 26.10: uncertain (§18/11)

26.10-11: left margin flumina ($18/11) 26.11: above Tandem (§18/12) 26.12-13: above pronus deiectus (§18/12)

22.2: above invito secum auferunt ($15/5)

in m o d u m carnis


22.15: left margin, remansit (Th) ($16/3)

Griffini militibus cum suis

26.14: above ut carnem ($18/13) 27.2: above verterent ($18/13) 27.3: above victor more(Th) ($18/14)


22.16: between deletions above deleted

sequentem ex pre lio del ete d

27.5: left margin posterum (Th) ($18/14) 27.5: right marginadded at end of

1psumque invitum secum abdu xerat

dispersus ($16/3)

plaga fuit asper

Inter haec

23.1: left margin, clades ($16/4) 23.1: above clade s ($16/4) 23.2: above ingressus (§16/4)

line ($18/14)

ex prelio prel io con fect o ex parte


23.3: above cum iam ($17/1) 23.4: above viros ($17/1)

regiam *12

23.5: left margin classem ($17/1) 23.8: foliation (s. xix) (§17/1)

G r i f fi n i et s u o r u m

inquit G r i f fi n s

23.17: above et cuius ($17/4)


23.10-18: right margin fullo fnotes in different hand, then scrawled through. The


upper group reads Ricar Myles's book. modicae

impugnatus sanctuario asylo ditionem Venta Ven tan is oppressorum suorum certe

23.18: above nuper regionis(§17/5) 24.1: above oppressus ($17/5) 24.2: left margin hoc ... loco ($17/5) 24.7: left margin dominationem (§17/8) 24.8: above Gwenta ( T h )($17/9) 24.9: under satellitibus ( T h )($17/9)

24.12: left margin eorum qui Rhesi patriam clade affecerunt ($17/10) 24.15: above meae tibi (§ 17/11)


ull eorum

27.6: insertafteraliquis ($18/14) 27.7: above bello (§18/15)

27.8: above Griffini (§18.15) 27.8: left margin ($18.15) 27.9: above illius ($18/15)

27.9: above nec in eius ($18/15) 27.9: foliation (s. xix) ($18/15) 27.14: left margin heroem (Th) (§18/17) 27.17: right margin (S18/18)

in plebem et dom os ? in plebem caede assecit necit

27.18: insert before uxoribus (§18/18)

crudit d o m o s deleted Post deleted Hinc

28.2: above Postremo (§18/19)

interceptis in propria bonis ex baronibus unus *1070-1101

28.4: above fusis ($18/20) 28.6: left margin paterna ($18/20) 28.9: above delicis (§19/1) 28.10: left margin Baro($19/1)

28.11: left margin Hugone comiteCestriae; pencil note, .s xix (§19/1)

hunc in m o d u m

28.12: above prodidit (§19/1)




*1094 8

28.13-14: left margin Hugonem Salopiae; 28.14: left margin Montegomerico ($19/2) 29.3: above eundi redeundique ($19/4)

et centum viginti quatuor

34.17: left margin instrumentis ($23/12) 34.17: after bellicis (Th) (§23/12) 35.3-4: left margin alique sexaginta

29.6: above mandarunt ($19/5) 29.7: above catenis ($19/5)


q u a t u o r ($23/12) 35.8: i n s e r t after universum ($23/13)


35.9: foliation (s. x i x )($23/14)


35.12: right margin after usa est (823/14) 35.13: above Nec praetereundum videtur ($23/15)

pencilnote, s. xix ($19/2) de Castro Baldwini salve c o n d u c t u m c u m suis

manicis extraneos



29.9: left margin (§19/6)


densissimis quasi nymbis


29.10: foliation (s. xix) (§19/7) 29.13: after domestici (Th) ($20/1)

Hocque ammota

colore venusto

29.16: above formosa ($20/1)



29.18: left margin membris (§20/1)

eloquentem in domesticos strenuissimum

30.2: 30.3: 30.4: 30.5:

incepto itinere

statim eo capto dam nis ascendit

ipse illos exaudivit praetorio manic is arreptum occulte

robustiorem factum *16 Statim

Inde cum vidissent infe rent em sensissent sagaces aestuarium


above excellentem ($20/1) above munificum (§20/1) insertafter fortissimum (§20/1) insert after Interim ($21/1)

30.12: above malis (Th)($21/1) 30.14: above ascendebat (§21/3) 30.15: above temporesubsidium ($21/3)

31.1: above palatio (§22/1) 31.2: left margin vinculis ( T h )(§22/1) 31.2: above abreptum ($22/1) 31.5: left margin tacite ($22/1)

31.6: above valitudineque (§22/2) 31.9: foliation (s. xix) ($22/4) 31.12: above ibi($22/5) 31.18: above Iter ($22/6) 32.3: added after moti (§22/7) 32.11: after operantem (Th) (§22/9) 32.11: above senserat (§22/9) 32.13: above venatici (§22/9)

32.18: left margin flumine ($22/11) 32.18: above end of solvebat ($22/11)

musicorum p r i n c e s 'Agharetam

procerae magn is spe rie sple nde nti

artubus robustis palidis, pedes rectos, digitos longos, ungues

36.4: 36.5: 36.9: 37.3: 37.5: 37.5:

insert after proelia ($23/15) above coeptum iter ($23/15) l e f tmarginpenkerd (§ 23/16) left margin Angharat(am) (824/1) left margin i n g e n u e(824/1) right margin ($24/1)

37.6: left margin splendentibus (Th) (§24/1) 37.6-7: above singulos etiamcorporis ($24/1)

tenues. molles

eloquentem, q u a d cibum et potum liberalem, prudentem cautam et [...] consilis

37.7: above line ($24/1-2)


37.11:foliation (s. x i x )($24/2) 38.6-7: left margin Aggressuse s t(§25/2) 39.1-2: nec perfidi ... vacca donatus deleted and gloss added between lines I and 2 (825/6)

disposuit Anglus neque laboris vel

emolumentum quicquam s c u m praeter unica vacca retulit multaque alia bona ultus [...] d e v e n i r e fecit

interim ditionem

velis remisque

33.3: left margin, insert before adnavigavit

vel m i n i m u m


et periculis

($23/1) 33.7: insert after miseriis (823/3)


39.4: insert afterplurimos (§25/7) 39.4: above concidit (§25/8) 39.5: above devenit (§25/8) 39.5: after quum (Th) (§25/8) 39.7: above eius subditis(§25/8) 39.7: insert before nocerent ($25/8) 39.9: foliation (s. x i x )(§25/9) 39.12: above succedentibus (§26/1) 39.18 (catchword): above vlcisseretur (§26/1) 40.1-2: Ad hanc rem ... Salopiae deleted


33.8: right margin after appulit (§23/4)

vlciscer etur


33.9:foliation (s. xix) ($23/4-5) 33.12: insert after saevum (823/6) 33.17: above prosterneret (§23/7)

et cum eo conspiravit Hugo alter Salopiae Comes unanimi consensum

34.1: above phocarum (Th) ($23/9)

40.3: above simul (S26/2)

cum exercitu [deleted] copiis

40.7: i n s e r t a f t e rs u o($26/3)



vitulorum m a r i n o r u m spondent obsedit

34.11: after tradunt (Th) ($23/10) 34.14: above expugnavit ($23/11)

and gloss added between lines I and 2 (826/2)

quas m a x i m a s possent

Cumque h o innotuisset

40.8: above fuerat (§26/4)




et ad se pervenirent pecunia

41.5: insert after relinquerent ($26/6)

quantus vellent recepturi proditionem

41.10: right margin defectionem ($26/8)

precipit *21

42.1: above praecipitus T h ) ($26/10) 4 1 . 11 :foliation (s. xix) ($26/8-9)

42.4: above eorum perniciem ( Th) ($26/10)


42.5: above comitibus ($26/11) 42.5: over et mora non fuit (Th) ($26/11) 42.5:above eorumque exercitui ($26/11) 42.6: insert before pervagari($26/11) 42.6: aboveend of pervagari($26/11) 42.6: above concidere ($26/11) 42.10: above obtulit ($27/1)

cum triumpho

ad vesperam usque #ti sunt trucidare dedit

undique edaces consumptrices

ut habet scriptura d e l e t e d divina scriptura

cunctatione seposita



42.13: above se contulerunt ($27/1)


43.6: above spectantem ($28/1)

a barbaris

43.8: above liberaret (§28/1)

pretium #23 rerum potiebatur suo more ut illi moris erat

45.8: above ex singulis partibus ($29/4) 45.9: above inutiles (Th) ($29/4) 45.9-18: right marginfull ofscrawled notes and pen trials in a different hand ( cf. p. 23)

45.11: insert after proditionis referring to mercedem i nprevious line ($29/4) 45.11: foliation (s. xix) (§29/4 -5) 45.13: above i m p e r a b a t Th) (§29/6) 46.1: above consuetudine ($30/1)

quosdam annos desiderium petitionem

46.1: above de (§30/1) 46.7: above annos complures (§30/2) 46.12: above interventu salutem ($31/1)


46.14: insert a f t e r est ($31/1); italic hand .s



dispersit superbos [...Itis sui deposuit potentes de sede

47.1: above gratias agens(§31/1)

et exaltavit humiles

43.9: above dominum ($28/2)


47.3: above honores evehit ($31/3)


43.11: foliation (s. xix) (§28/3)


47.5: above end of confugiunt (Th) (831/5)

dominus effeminati insidentes

43.12: right margin eius princeps ($28/3)


47.5: after confugiunt (Th) (831/5)

43.17: above timidiores mulierculis ($28/4)


47.15: foliation (s. xix) ($31/7)

43.18: above sedentes ($28/4) 44.1-2: added between lines I a n d2 ($28/4)

ob persequutionem predictam

47.14: beneath propter ... necessitates (§31/8)


et cum tribus navibus in Regem feruntur


44.5: left margin ipse magnanimus (Th) (828/7); but should perhaps be read as nobilis.


44.5: left margin puppi (§28/7)


*Virgilius (hand sign pointing

44.7: above cadit ( Th) ($28/7) 44.7: above luctatur ($28/7) 44.8: above fortuito (§28/8) 44.12: left margin Ferillus (Th) ($28/9)

at Virgilius) divisos orbe Brytannos

palpitantem casû

preliis assuetus post (deleted) parva temporis interrapedione (sic; for

48.4: insert after copiis (§32/3) 48.6: left margin sepius expertus (§32/4) 48.12: above transacto temporis perbrevi (832/7)

i n t e r r u p t i o n e ? interposita

49.2: above recollegit (§32.8)

49.4: right margin colonis (Th) (832.8)

44. 12: beneath Britannos a toto orbe (Th) (828/9)


45.3: above cum a d e r a n t($29/2) 45.4:above illis prolixe promiserat($29/2)


divine scripture

48.1: top margin above ac pedites (Th) (832/2)

vulgo #25 Trahermani

versus Cestriam secum abduxit

pollicitationem Hugonis

47.15: above liberavit ($31/8)

suppeditas instructus

m i l i t u m d e l e c t u m fecit

et penitus omniaque quae habebat 44.14: above praedas (§29/1) et animalia cuiusvis et spolia 44.15: above loca cantredorum . . . deduxerant enumerata sunt et divisa. dimidium ($29/1) Vbi moram trahebant

cum libertatione asseruit

45.7: above divinum ($29/3)

49.12:foliation (s. xix) (§32/11) 49.13: above Trahaerni viri (Th) (832/12) 49.16: above end of regnabat (§33/1)


49.16: above familiaritate (833/1)

et in adiacentibus

50.4: afterterris ($33/1) 50.5: above bonarum omnium (§33/2)

o p u m et facultatum in o m n i t e r r i t o r i o

50.7: insert after ecclesias ($33/2)

palatia colens

50.13: left margin (§33/3) 50.14: left margin amplius (Th) ($33/4) 50.18: after conservans ($33/5)

ut p r e o c c u p a r e n t

51.2: after immobilia ($33/5)





Si extraneorum *26

post mortem suam elus m a n e t

pecuniae signatae fuit autem

religiosis pauperibus futuri sicut olim

51.3: left margin (§33/5) 51.6: above alienorum (833/6)

51.11: foliation (s. xix) ($34/1) 51.16: insert after quae ($34/2) 52.2: insert after iustitia (§34/3) 52.3: insert after solidos($34/4) 52.4: above fuerat ($34/4) 52.11: a f t e rdedit (Th) (§34/7) 52.11: above clericis (834/7)

52.12: left margin egenis (Th) (834/7) 53.5: above eventuri ($35/2) 53.5: above ad similitudinem (835/2)

53.6: insert after Egypto ($35/2)

intra ecclesiam

53.7: above end of benedixisset (§35/2) 53.10: foliation (s. xix) ($35/3) 54. 1: above vitam possent ( Th) ($35/4) 54.7: next to tumba ($35/7) 4.8: insertafter partem (§35/7)

ni [.] ni deum

54.9: insert after anima ($35/8)


ducere tumulo


The following notes are intended to supplement the compendious notes in HGK.

Factual information is not supplied here unless the text edited here provides

further or different information which alters or corrects details in HGK. The notes predominantly deal with textual matters and focus in particular on sections of the text where this text differs from the Welsh text in HGK (references are

also supplied to the English translation in MPW). For recent discussions of

Gruffudd ap Cynan, see the essays ni Maund, A Collaborative Biography, and Pryce, 'Gruffudd ap Cynan', ODNB. Title: the title has been lost from the top of the first page, but most of the derivative copies (and especially the immediate descendants, B and D) have the

title Vita Griffini fili Conani, and it is reasonable to suppose this was the title in A . For the use of vita for a secular life, we may compare Einhard, Vita Karoli Magni (note that while Asser's Life of Alfred has all the hallmarks of a biography, ti is called De rebus gestis . . .,despite the attempts of editors to create the impression that it was entitled Vita Alfred or the like). The Welsh translation is called a historia; for a detailed discussion of the range of the use of historia, see Brynley Roberts, 'Ystorya (cf. also Sims- Williams, 'Some functions of origin stories*). The term buchedd was also available but seems only to have been used in ecclesiastical and hagiographical contexts. It would appear that,

while ni Latin vita would be an appropriate title for a secular or religious

biography, in Welsh a distinction was made between a historia (secular) and a buchedd (religious. We may, however, note the combination of the two in

Hystoria o Uuched Beuno (VSBG, 16-22). Griffin: the name is also sometimes spelt Gruffinus. It seems to be the standard Latin parallel to Gruffudd in this text and elsewhere (Morgan and Morgan,

Welsh Surnames, 104); cf. Grifinus f. Meredut (AC, s.a. 1124, 1128), Resus filius Griffini, etc. (T. Jones, *Cronica de Wallia",

passim), Griffinusfilius Wenhunwyn




(Roderick, 'Dispute', passim). The early Welsh name seems to be a compound of griff griffin' (borrowed from Latin gryphus) and iud 'lord' (cf. Old Cornish

Gryfyid,Grifiud; see GPC, s.v. griff); for a detailed listing of Gruffudd names,

Kenan'; Duffy, 'The 1169 invasion',

104-5. The implication of $34/4 si that

Swords belonged to Christchurch.

see EWGT, 191, Lloyd-Jones, Geirfa, 590-4; see also Sims-Williams, Celtic Inscriptions, 113, n. 615, who offers as a parallel for a compound of iud with a fabled beast the inscriptional form from Cornwall, LEUIUT 'lion-lord'. The

a domo suorum parentum: the Welsh text appears to refer to his mother and

two elements of the compound seem less firmly bound than some, in that the

our text has been lost and may have been different. The focus on his maternal

second element can ni some instances be replaced by ri 'king', for example,

kin has encouraged the idea that his father, Cynan, may have died young; see

Griphiud: Griphri (AC, sa. 815; EWGI, 113-14). Play on the connection between

Gruffudd and griff si made by several poets; for example, ni Marwad Ruffudd fab Llywelyn by Dafydd Benfras: A m Ruffudd gwaewrudd gwae finnau | Am riff ner lluch hyder Llachau (CBT VI, 29. 24) 'Woe si me for red-speared Gruffudd,

for the griffin, brilliant lord, the courage of Llachaw'. A Latinized version of Gruffudd also occurs in some sources, notably in the account of Gruffudd ap

Cynan's activities in Vita Sancti Gundlei (VSBG, 182-6): Grifudus, Grifudo (812), Grifudi (813), and ni Orderic Vitalis: Grit(h)fridus (III, 138. 14). In most cases, the Latin version of a Welsh name is more or less the same

name with a Latin ending, for example, Lewelinus, R(h)esus, etc. In some cases,

the Latin version preserves an earlier form of the name, for example,

Oudoceus: Euddogwy (Book of Llandaf, passim), but it si relatively rare for the

Latin form to be so different. Maredudd is found in some Latin sources as Mareduc, Mareduko, etc. (T. Jones, ""Cronica de Wallia", s.a. 1198, 1201, etc.; Morgan and Morgan, Welsh Surnames, 160), where the final syllable has been modified. A particularly striking instance, where it is necessary to think in

terms of replacement rather than modification, is the use of the Anglo-

foster-mother at this point, lle yd oed y vam a'e vamvaeth 'where lived his his mother and his foster-mother' (HGK, .1 6 = MPW, 53. 7), but this section of Duffy, 'Ostmen, Irish and Welsh',

391. 82

§2/1 Cynannus erat rex Venedocie: Cynan never had been king of Gwynedd. The Brutiau regularly refer to Gruffudd as the grandson of lago (ByT (Pen. 20) 21617 = tr. 16. 24; ByT (RB) 28.15; ByS 78.26 (neiJames; note the confusion over the sense of nepos, for which see §35/4n. below)). For a discussion of the

implications of the presentation of Gruffudd's genealogy, see Charles-Edwards, Early Irish and Welsh Kinship, 220-4; Maund, *Gruffudd, grandson of lago"; Duffy, 'Ostmen, Irish and Welsh', 385-7. While it was important to emphasize the status of lago, ti is worth observing that 'grandson of lago' would have been

a more acceptable (and normal) mode of reference in Ireland than in Wales

$212 Prosapia quidem ...: ni the Welsh version Evans prints megys y tysta ac a bonhed y reeni (HGK, 1. 10-11), and in the notes (HGK, 38, n. 1. 10-11, and also p. cexxiii, n. 16) expresses doubts about ac as to whether it is to be understood

Norman name Gervasius for lorwerth (T. Jones, *Cronica de Wallia", s.a. 1201,

as ach lineage' or ac 'and'; if the latter, then something will have dropped out,

element in these modified names is the presence of a fi n a ldental fricative which

prints megys y tysta ac ly traeth]a bonhed y reeni as the pedigree of his parents testifies and relates' (MPW, 23. 13 (trans. 53. 13-14)). However, the rhetorical

1207, 1210; see Morgan and Morgan, Welsh Surnames, 140). The common

may have felt uncomfortable with Latin endings added to it; this general point is not made by Morgan and Morgan, though ni each case they comment on the

suitability of the modified name to carry Latin case endings (cf. also Welsh Myrddin beside Latin Merlinus where again thedental fricative may have been problematic (especially perhaps in an Anglo-Norman context)). In the part-

icular case of Griffins, Morgan and Morgan suggest that it may have been felt

leaving a as a verbal ending. He consolidates the latter view in MPW where he

pattern of the Latin is working in doublets, quam nobilis ac regia... cum paterna

tum materna, and it is likely that the Welsh was echoing this. If so, the Welsh text should probably read megys y tysta ac[h] a bonhed y reeni as the lineage and pedigree of his parents testifies'. This may originally have been intended to correspond to the Welsh phrase, ach ac edrydd.

'as a sort of translation', as the mythical griffin would have been a familiar image (Welsh Surnames, 104).


§ Only dicto Hybernice Swrth have survived of this first paragraph. On Sord

Coluim Chille (anglicized as Swords) and the presence of Welshmen ni the

surrounding area in the twelfth century, see Flanagan, Historia Gruffud vab

§3 On these genealogies, see Sims-Williams, 'Historical need', Thornton, 'Genealogy of Gruffudd ap Cynan', 82-7; see also EWGI, 35-7, 134 6 (notes). The orthography of the names in the genealogy may not be reliable ni that names would have been easy targets for modernization in the process of copying (see the Introduction pp. 34-5) or for replacement by more familiar forms of the names i nother sources.





Broadly the genealogy matches that in HGK, but in comparison with the later fair copies of the Latin text and with HGK there are two gaps: the first seems explicable by eye-skip in that, in comparison with the Welsh text, a scribe

seems to have jumped from Catwallawn m. Catuan to Catwallawn Llauhir, thereby omitting six generations; in the latter he has skipped fromfil. Gurwsti to fil. Bruti Ysgwydwyn (the top of p. 3 is lost but the Brutus listed at the bottom of p. 2 is guaranteed as Ysgwydwyn (rather than ducis Romani) by the catchword Ysg deleted at the bottom of p. 2). Neither omission corresponds to a recognizable genealogical segment which could have been deliberately omitted; it is likely therefore that they are simply copying errors. For discussion of these omissions and their gradual restoration in the later copies, see the Introduction, p. 14. §3/1

Cynan is not labelled as king in the Latin; contrast y Gynan vrenhin

(HGK, 1. 12 = MPW, 53. 8). The Latin has Elissae rather than Elissed of the Welsh text, showing loss of the final -/§/. Cf. Esyllt with Etill in Penarth 17 but Es(s)vllt elsewhere in the Welsh versions. In view of the similarity between the VGCform and that in the other Welsh versions, the Etill form in Peniarth 17 may have been brought into the text from other genealogies, for example, Etthil

(EWGI, 9 (Harleian Genealogies, 1)), Ethellt (EWGT, 47 (Jesus College, MS

20, 22)), Dethild (Exeter MS. 3514) (see Sims-Williams, 'Historical need', 22); if

so. this would be an example of where Peniarth 17 has innovated in its reading

(cf. also SS14/11, 21/1). Neither here nor in §3/2 is Rhodri given his usual epithet Magnus or Mawr; it has been added in the Welsh translation (HGK, 1. 22 =

MPW, 54. 3). Note also that ni the Latin and the Welsh versions, Rhodri,

father of Cynan Dindaethwy, has been omitted; see Thornton, 'Genealogy of Gruffudd ap Cynan', 85.

for discussion, se McLeod, 'Ri Insi Gall'. This ni fact then also matches the

punctuation of the Welsh text: Bonhed Gruffuddo barth y vam: Gruffudd vrenhin, m. Ragnell, verch Avloed, vrenhin dinas Dulyn a phymhet ran ywerdon ac enys

Vanav, a hanoed gynt o deyrnas Prydein. Abrenhin oed ar lawer o enyssed ereill, Denmarc, a Galwei, a Renneu, a Mon, a Gryned . . . 'Gruffudd's pedigree on his

mother's side: king Gruffudd, son of Ragnallt,daughter of Olaf, king of the city of Dublin, and a fifth part of Ireland and the Isle of Man, who came of yore from the kingdom of Britain.

And he was king over many other islands,

Denmark and Galloway and the Rinns, and Anglesey, and Gwynedd' (HGK, 2. 16-20 = MPW, 54. 30-55. 2). Note that VGC has Arennae which is taken in the translation to refer to Arran, although ti corresponds to Renneu 'the Rinns (of Galloway)' in the Welsh. Etchingham, 'North Wales, Ireland and the Isles', 158, has emended, translated anddiscussed the Welsh version of this passage. He would want to remove the comma between enyssed ereill and Denmarc so that they are the islands of Denmark, thus removing the claim that he was king of Denmark. However, the Latin text seems best translated to mean that he was king of several other

islands just as he was king of Denmark, etc. One aspect is crucial, namely the precise geographical range of the term Dania. At various points the Welsh translator uses both Denmarc and Llychlyn to render Dania. In our text Dania

is the standard term. It is quite possible that Dania is being used in some cases to refer to the whole sphere of activity of the Vikings and not just to Scandinavia; for example, at $23.1 ni insulas Daniae, where Gruffudd goes to seek help from Godred, almost certainly refers to the Western Isles (Etchingham, "North Wales. Ireland and the Isles', 159). Lychlin is used once in our text

($28/1) to refer to king Magnus as kingof Lychlin. The Welsh translator seems to use Llychlyn to refer to mainland Scandinavia (for example, HGK, .3 ,3 .4 8, 25. 19). Nordwei is used at HGK, 4. 7 to translate the Latin Northwegiae (§5/9),


The Latin genitive ending is added from Urban onwards. The scribe had

difficulty distinguishing Eu- and En- ni the run of names Eudeyrn, Eudygant, Eudos, etc. They have been regularized here t oEu-.

but in this instance the term is being used etymologically to account for presence of the Normanni in France (the formsare collected in Appendix 2). A second issue which is resolved by the Latin text is the antecedent of a hanoed gynt o deyrnas Prydein. It is assumed in Evans's translation (MPW, 54.

33-4) that it is the king of Dublin, Auloed (Amlaib, Olaf), but Etchingham, following Arthur Jones's rendering (HGC, 105), translates without comment as

§4 $4/1-2 The punctuation of the manuscript requires adjusting: aliarum complurium insularum is followed by a punctuation mark and the next sentence seems to

if the antecedent were the Isle of Man: which was formerly p a r tof the realm of Britain'. The Welsh is admittedly ambiguous, but the Latin qui makes it clear

begin with Rex ... However, that leaves a very clumsy genitival phrase coming

that Auloed must be the antecedent.

i.e. 'he was regarded as king of Xas much as king of Y.' Therefore, it si likely

be an error on the part of the Welsh translator or in the early transmission of the Welsh text where Prydein and Prydyn have been confused; see GPC, s.v.

after the relative clause, qui e Scotia genus ducebat, which seems to close the sentence. Moreover, the ut in the second sentence requires a balancing clause, that the first sentence should end at ducebat, and that aliarum complurium insularum begins the next. In support of this, cf. the standard title rex insularum;

Note also that Latin Scotia has been translated b yWelsh Prydein. This may Prydyn; Pryce, "British or Welsh?', 780, n. 24. Another possibility is that Scotia is being used ni its sense of the 'land of the Scotti', and could therefore refer to




Ireland. Yet another possibility si that Scotia si being used rather like Irish Alba,

which could be used to refer to Britain as a whole and not just Scotland (Dumv ille, 'Ireland and Britain'); this, however, is less likely on grounds of date, as by the twelfth century Alba seems to have acquired the narrower sense of 'Scotland'


hundr 'Thori the dog', since kiawl can be interpreted as 'doglike in Welsh. Note that this section is lost in the Latin text, though the space would allow it to have

been present, but what we do not have is any indication of the spelling of the name in the Latin text.

It seems not to have been noticed that the account o f

Alanus' death whereby Twr is crippled, with his hands gripping the tor and his §5

§5/1-4 The story of the killing of Alanus by Twr: this story presents all kinds of difficulties of interpretation. VGC clarifies some but not all of these issues.

On this section, see Van Hamel, 'Norse history', who argued that the description of Alanus/Alyn matches closely that of St Olaf. In$5/1 the Welsh text is unclear as to whether Alanus is the brother of the king, Harald's father, or one of Harald's brothers: a bit honneit bot Harald Harfa*gyr de deu vroder un veibeon y vrenhin Llychlyn. Ac Alyn y vrawt oed vrenhin kyssygredicaf ac enwocaf umphlith holl Denmarc B ' e it known that Harald Haarfa*ger and his two brothers were sons of the king of Llychlyn. And Alyn his brother was the most

hallowed and renowned in all Denmark' (HGK, 3. 1-3 = MPW, 55. 10-13).

The matter has been much debated; see, for example, Thornton, 'Genealogy of Gruffudd ap Cynan', 90-3, and Jesch, 'Norse historical traditions', 144-6, both of whom hold to the view that he is one of Harald's brothers, but go on to argue about the identity of the Harald in question, whether Harfa*gyr or Hardrádi. While in the Welsh the referent of the possessive pronoun of y vrawt

is unclear, the Latin text almost certainly indicates that he is the brother of the king; cuius can only refer to the nearest masculine singular noun, namely regis.

The only doubt is that cuius fratrem is restored from manuscript B, but the gap in our manuscript is sufficient for these two words and little more. Despite the

uncertainty, it is anyway difficult to see how a simple reading of the text could make Alanus/Alyn another of Harald's brothers as all three. Harald. the one in

Porth Lairge, and Rodulphus, are clearly accounted for; the only way to do so would be either to make Alanus/Alyn the brother established in Porth Läirge,

which, given his fame ni Denmark, seems perverse, or to go against the text and claim that there was a fourth brother.

It is clear that Twrkills Alanus. It was suggested by Van Hamel, 'Norse history',

that Alanus (Welsh Alyn) represents a corrupt form of Óláfr. Now that we have

the Latin form of the name available, it can be suggested that the original form

in this text may have been Alauus (with the common confusion of u and n); a further refinement might be added, that a nasal was omitted after A-, or perhaps

a suspension mark over the vowel, thus producing a form close to the Irish Amlaib (cf. Welsh Avloed) or to Old English Anlaf, depending on the source of the name form.

Van Hamel, 'Norse history', 344, also suggested that Thurkiawl, the name

which Twr subsequently acquires, is linked to his name in Norse tradition, Pórir

knees pulled up against his stomach, is itself an aetiological ex-planation of a

canine epithet as the shape he adopts is precisely dog-like. However, kiawl would not be the expected Middle Welsh derivative of ki 'dog; we would expect kynawl (see GPC, .s v . cynol where one example is attested). The canine link is extremely plausible but, fi it is to be maintained, it looks as if the line of explanation would have to be reversed and the link with Dórir hundr may turn out to be secondary. On this account, we would start with a Welsh renderingof an Old Norse Thurkell, perhaps through an Irish source so that the Welsh spelling, Thwrkiawl, is an attempt to render / urk'aL/. If so, did t h i sgive rise to a narrative which was secondarily linked to that o f P o r i rhundr when the -kiawl

element was connected to dogs? Another element which may be involved is a work of art: Giraldus Cambrensis (Itinerarium Kambriae, I.2) describes a torc

which was said to have belonged to St Cynog (note the canine associations of the name and was made of four sections and divided in the middle by a dog's head standing erect with its teeth bared. Could a t o r of this type be associated with the development of the legend? §5/7 The dating clause provided by the presence of descendants of Harald's brother in Porth Lairge er henne hyt hediv 'since then till today' (HGK, 3. 27 =

MPW, 56. 8) has unfortunately been lost ni our manuscript. However, the gap is consistent with ti being present in the original version. §5/8 insulas Daniae: these are probably to be understood as the Hebrides; see Etchingham, N o r t h Wales, Ireland and the Isles'.

inter mare Tyren et Daniam: The Welsh text has rung mor Tyren a Denmarc between the Tyrrhenian Sea and Denmark' (HGK, 4. 3= MPW, 56. 12) and Evans makes uncomplimentary noises about the geographical competence of

the author (HGK, 52, n. .4 3). Our manuscript also contains the confusion with intermare Tyren et Daniam, but a plausibleemendation suggests itself. The text could be emended with little difficulty to inter mare Tyren et Ioniam, thus producing a satisfactory analogy between the position of the Hebrides as a chain of islands between Ireland and Scandinavia and the position of the

Cyclades between the Tyrrhenian Sea (running down the west side of Italy) and Ionia with Scotland corresponding to the position of Greece. An early copyist, before the Welsh translation was made, misledby the frequency of Dania in this section of the text may have misread the original Io as Da. Note, however, that






Cyclas can be used as a synonym for 'island; see, in particular, Orderic Vitalis' usage in a passage on the travels of King Magnus: aliasque quoque Cycladas in

Innen: HGK, 4 . 26 has Muen (< Irish Mumhan) and Innen is probably a misreading of the five minims at the beginning of the word.

magno mari velut extra orbem positas perlustravit (Ecclesiastical History, X, 222. 12-13); for the parallel passage ni VGC with strikingly similar wording, see

duas partes: Evans (HGK, 45 (n. .4 26)) refers to the division of Munster into

§28/9. Another possibility is that the original version of the text simply had

Cyclades or something similar in the sense of 'island' which was subsequently

two. By 1137 or later, Munster was divided into Tu a t h m u m a n (Ui Bhriain) and

Desmuman (Meic Charthaigh), rather than the early east/west split deriving

glossed with a classicizing phrase referring to the Tyrrhenian Sea.

from the political grouping of the Eoganachta.

§519 quibus genus a Daniaoriginem deducens: in themanuscript this phrase begins

§6/3 Gurmlach: on Gormlaith, see now Ni Mhaonaigh, Gormlaiths', esp. 18-24.

with a capital letter and seems t o start a new sentence, but it is better taken with the

'Tales of three

preceding sentence with the antecedent of quibus being the viri Northwegiae. §5/10 vel similitudinem ducum: two different models are offered for the way in

Sutrili: it corresponds to Sutric in the Welsh text (for example, HGK, 4. 27).There may have been a misreading of a h i g hc at some point in the transmission.

which Normandy was divided into twelve, according to the number of baronsor like the leaders who divided up Brittany between them. The Welsh text has mis-

understood that alternative explanations are being offered and runs them

together: herwyd y barwnyeit a'r tywyssogyon a doethant yn gyntaf...


§6/4 cui ferunt tres filios: most of this passage has been lost from the top of the page and we are reliant on later copies. However, as they stand, they confirm

Evans's doubts about this passage in the Welsh text (HGK, 53, n. 4. 10-11).

the text of the Welsh, Ac y hunnw y bu tri meib (HGK, 4. 28 = MPW, 57. 8), which Simon Evans suggested should be emended to y honno referring to Gormlaith (followed by Ni Mhaonaigh, 'Tales of three Gormlaiths', 19-20, n.

Wallice: used only once in VGC and there is no corresponding phrase in the Welsh text (HGK, 4. 10-11). Cambrice occurs only once in our extant text

121). In the Latin the immediate and obvious antecedent of cui is Murchathum regem Laginiae patrem (though only Murchathum has survived in the manuscript). We cannot admittedly know whether the text has been annotated

to the barons and leaders who came first' (HGK, .4 9-10 = MPW, 56. 19-20); note

($12/6), but ti is also found once ni text imported from manuscript B to fill a gap ($4.2); cf. also Hibernice 'in Irish' (§1/1). The term Wallia for the country only occurs once ($22/4: in australibus partibus Walliae) and does not occur in the corresponding part of the Welsh text (HGK, 18. 2 =( MPW, 71. 15): en Deheubarth). On the other hand, Cambria and Cambri 'the Welsh' occur three and nine times respectively (for details, see Appendix 2). For possible implications, see the discussion in the Introduction, p. 45.

§6 §6/2 Slani: changed to Alam by Thelwall. This indicates that h edid not have to

hand the Peniarth 17 version of HGK which has the reading Slani (HGK, 4. 25 = MPW, 57.4); all the other manuscript versions have Alam (HGK, .4 25, .n 4), the source of Thelwall's correction. On Slaine, see Duffy, 'Ostmen, Irish and Welsh'. 392-3.

Ryeni: this is probably to be understood as Bryeni; cf. Vrien (HGK, 4. 25). It is possible that the capital B - was misread as R ,- and Rryeni then corrected to

Ryeni. It si worth pointing out that there was a ruling dynasty named Ui Riain, but they were of the U Dróna in Leinster.

and altered by Thelwall; but, since the tradition that Murchadh was the father of Donnchadh, Sitric and Mael Sechnaill is preserved in the triads (Trioedd Ynys Prydein, 256, 258), it may be sensible to retain the reading of the manuscripts in HGK. There i sa confused tradition here: both the Latin and the Welsh texts seem to be saying that Murchadh was the father of Donnchadh, Sitric and Mael, but that Gormlaith was mother only to Stric. But Murchadh is also said to be Gormlaith's father. There is then the further confusingcoda about Máel Morda being Gormlaith's son by Murchadh. For discussion, see Ni Mhaonaigh, 'Tales of three Gormlaiths', 18-21.

$6/5 On the Ua Mathgamna, see HGK pp. clxxvii-clxxix; Duffy, 'Ostmen, Irish and Welsh', 391-2. quatuordecim: this is deleted and changed to quadraginta by Thelwall which corresponds to the Welsh pytheunos a mis 'in a fortnight and month'(HGK, .5 6 = MPW, 57. 16). Evans (HGK, 55-6, n. .5 6) draws attention to the parallel phrases in Irish, such as na teora coicthiges and coicthiges ar mis. The Welsh phrase may well be correct and it is possible that the reading quatuordecim in our text is an error. Perhaps the text originally had a phrase broadly equivalent to the Irish phrases and either et mensem was lost after quatuordecim or ter




(vel sim.) was lost in front of it. Another possibility is that the original had

implications of Williams's arguments were not pursued by Evans. Williams

something like quater decem.

drew attention to the close verbal parallels between the prophecy in HGK and

binas partes: elsewhere this text talks of duas partes (for example, $6.2) and it is difficult to know whether this change in phrasing should be taken seriously. If it is, then the implication is that it refers not to two of the five p a r t sof Ireland as duas partes would mean, but rather to 'the two parts of Ireland', i.e. the northern and southern halves. On Rinaldus mac Mathgamna, see Duffy, "Ostmen, Irish and Welsh', 391-2.

$6/6 monstrum marinum: cf. Irish muirgelt. Cf. Llemhidyd anryved oed 'he was a wondrous leaper' (HGK, .5 7= MPW, 57. 17); llemhidydd can also be used of sea-creatures.

§6/7: Isliniach: the Welsh text has Islimach (HGK, 5. 9 = MPW, 57. 20).

$619 Ethminach Gawyn: on Aed mac Mathgamna, king of Ulaid (killed ni 1127), see Duffy, 'Ostmen, Irish and Welsh', 391. §7 §7 The Welsh version of this section is far less wordy than the Latin. The first part has been lost at the top of p. 9, and so the reading is not secure.

part of a prophecy preserved ni BT, 70. 16-71. 6 which he thought could be regarded as Armes Prydein fychan corresponding to Armes Prydein fawr (AP, p. xli). The section in question could well be taken to refer to Gruffudd ap Cynan and/or Rhys ap Tewdwr: Rydybyd Ilyminave auyd gvr chwannaveywerescyn mon a rewenyav gyned. oe heithaf oe pherued oe dechreu oe diwed. A chymryt gwystion. Ystic y vyneb nyt estvg y neb na chymry na saesson 'There will come a

llyminawg who will be a predatory man to conquer Môn and lay waste to Gwynedd from her furthest border to her centre, and from her beginning to her end, and take her hostages. Angry his face who submits to nobody, neither Welshor English' (text from BT 70. 25-71. I; Williams's trans. (AP p. xli)). The use of lyminave in the HGK prophecy is suggestive in the light of the above passage which refers to Gwynedd and Môn, and might have been intended to call that passage to mind. It is striking too that lletfer, used to describe the

llyminave in HGK, finds an echo ni Armes Prydein in the pennaeth lletfer "oppressive rule' (lit. 'half-fierce rule) (AP, 38). Given the detail in the Book of Taliesin passage quoted above, it is likely that t h eHGK prophecy is an allusion

to ti rather than vice versa.The attribution of the prophecy in VGC and HGK to Merlin si presumably an assumption made by the author, but probably implies that the prophecy was in existence before he created his narrative. Certain factors, however, may have determined his choice of this particular prophecy. The Latin version is certainly a translation. Llyminauc i sa derivative based on

Ilam, llemain leaping' (see Russell, Celtic Word-Formation, 117-18), and so $7/1 ea: is this nom. sg. fem. or abl. sg. fem. of the pronoun, or is ti the ending

originally had the sense of leaper', but then developed into 'warrior', etc. Latin

of a word from the preceding line?

ille psalterii versus: The Welsh text personifies this sentence with the subject as

saltus 'leap' is a poor translation. Butwas the choice of llyminauc also intended to echo the achievements of his uterine brother Ranaldus? Compare $6/6 cui similem . . . saltandi peritia Hybernia non habit (cf. Llemhidvd anryved oed

tad sant 'the saintly father' (HGK, .5 16 = MPW, 57. 29). The quotation is from

(HGK, .5 7)). Likewise, ferinus 'savage, wild' seems to have been determined as

Psalms 81.6.

much by an intention to echo the second element of lletfer as to produce an accurate translation. But again was the original senseof let- intended to draw attention to the half of Gruffudd's ancestry which was not Welsh? A final observation on the prophecy: if the parallels with and allusions to the Book of Taliesin prophecy can be upheld, it hardly seems to be a prophecy which could

§8 §8 The text of the prophecy is very close but not identical to the Latin version

of the prophecy given in HGK, .5 27-9=( MPW, 58. 10-12); HGK has quia

have been used in Gwynedd to predict the rise of Gruffudd, perhaps another

multos corrumpet, while VGC has multosque corrumpet, which corresponds more closely to the Welsh version and does not draw any etymological conclusions about him being a source of corruption. VGC has not preserved the Welsh version, but only the Latin translation of i t . The original must have

indication that VGC was composed outside Gwynedd.

had the Welsh as well; for discussion of the translation, see below. For discussion of the prophecy, see HGK, 57-8, and the references given there, to which Williams's discussion in AP, pp. xli-xlv should be added. The

§8/3 antiquorum more: this seems to have turned into the hen gyvarwydyt old account' of the Welsh text (HGK, 6. 5= MPW, 58. 18). VGC has no mention of an ancient authority.





§9 §9/ The first two lines of this section have been heavily overwritten, leaving it difficult to read both the original text and some of the corrections.

quam crudelis iam tyrannus: the Latin text focuses on the cruelty of the tyrant in

possession, while the Welsh text is generic, a pha ryw dreisw()r

... 'and what

kind of oppressor(s' (HGK, .6 1 = MPW, 58. 27-8). The manuscripts of the

Welsh version also hesitate between singular and plural (sg. ChEFFfGH, pl.


$10/4 adventus causas querunt: ni the Latin they ask him why he has come, but in the Welsh they welcome him: a dywedut urthaw, 'O damunet ry doethos', 'and

told him "Your coming si welcome"" (HGK, .7 7-8 = MPW, 59. 19-20). §10/5 (siquidem . . . dominari): the subject of spectabat is not immediately clear and the verb should probably be taken in the sense of 'pertain, relate to'. That is the sense of the Welsh canys ef oed eu hargluydpriodaur 'because he was their rightful lord' (HGK, 7. 10 = MPW, 59. 21-2). The use of different parts of ille does not

help to clarify matters: ad illum refers to Gruffudd, ni illos probably to the people of Gwynedd and Angelsey. Note that the Latin does not have any technical


$9/2 multoties: while the Latin text refers to him thinking things over time and

term corresponding to argluyd priodaur in the Welsh, such as proprietarius; for

time again, using the multiplicative, the Welsh text turns this into a period of time, llawer odydyeu 'every day' (HGK, 6. 13 =MPW, 58. 25).

discussion of these terms, see Smith, 'Treftadaeth Deheubarth',

Murchathi: see Duffy, 'Ostmen, Irish and Welsh', 394 ,5 for the possibility that the a u t h o r had in mind Muichertach Ua B r a i n .

§10/6 secreto: omitted ni the Welsh, where it is simply y kyngor 'the council' (HGK, 7. 13 = MPW, 59. 25), perhaps with an implication o fsecrecy.

querelas . . . gravissimas: the Latin text is damaged here, but fi gravissimas is what the original had, referring to the complaints, then ni the Welsh text it has

Latin text. According to the Latin text, he goes either to Robert of Rhuddlan

been turned into a superlative adverb, en benhaf 'chiefly (HGK, 6. 15 = MPW,

58. 32), referring to Murchadh, perhaps understood or read as gravissime. The word order of the Latin, by delaying the adjective, gravissimas, until the end of

34-5 (and n. 65).

vel . . . vel: the imprecision as to his exact movements is characteristic of the or to Hugh of Chester. The Welsh version (HGK. 7. 15-16 = MPW. 59. 28-9)

has created precision by removing the 'either ... or', and by making Hugh the

the clause, might equally support either interpretation.

uncle of Robert (nei y Hu yarl Caer (HGK, .7 15-16). This relationship is not supported elsewhere: according to Orderic Vitalis h e was consobrinus 'cousin'

paternam hereditatem: the Welsh translate this with dadaul deyrnas paternal

to Hugh of Chester but nephew to Hughde Grentesmaisnil (Ecclesiastical History, VIII, 138. 14). The variation between the Latin and Welsh may b e the

kingdom' (HGK, .6 16 = MPW, 58. 33-59. 1); tadaul seems to be a loantranslation of paternus and is rarely used outside a broadly Latinate context or

result of a textual error in the transmission of the Welsh text. A direct translation of the Latin text would have been hyt ar RobertRudlan... n e uy Hu

contexts with a Latinate flavour.

yarll Caer, and ti is possible that neu was misread or misunderstood as nei nephew'. In the Welsh version the person who accepts his appealfor support is

§9/3 Consensum: at this point the Welsh version adds Athruanu urthava orugant

simply ynteu, but that has to refer to Robert, as Hugh has been downgraded to a mere relative. The equivalent phrase in the Latin text ($10/7) has unfortunately been lost; the fair copiesof the Latin have Robertus, but they are simply following the Welsh text in this (in the text Robertus has been bracketed to indicate the uncertainty). But, if the original Welsh version maintained the

'They took pity on him' (HGK, 6. 18 = MPW 59. 2-3), an emotion merely implied in the Latin, but perhaps for the Welsh version it was important to emphasize the sympathy of the Irish kings.

§10/2 ni Cambria: the Welsh version (HGK, 6. 23 = MPW, 59. 9) omits this

alternative sources of help, Robert or Hugh, ynteu would then have assumed a more significant role as the differentiating pronoun. According to Mac Cana, "Conjunctive pronouns', 418-19,a conjunctive pronoun can be used to refer to

phrase which marks a shift in the broad geographical context from Ireland to Wales; again perhaps an indication of a narrower interest in Gwynedd.

example, p. 419, from Branwen (Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi, 31. 10) the ynteu


rex Powisiae: in the Welsh version Cynwrig is downgraded to the diminutive brenhinyn 'a petty king' (HGK, 7. 2= 59. 12).

the last mentioned person when several have been mentioned (in his second must surely refer to Matholwch and not to Manawydan). If so, the help and support for Gruffudd, which in the Welsh version came from Robert, may well

have come from Hugh and not from Robert. Indeed, §13/1 ut cum Roberto castris custode et alis Francis pugnaret (cf. HGK, 9. 23 = MPW, 62. 3-4) would



support the idea that it was Hugh who was supporting Gruffudd. According to HGK, 8. 6=( MPW, 60. 17-18) Robert is supporting Gruffudd in the campaign against Cynwrig, but the relevant section in VGC ($12/2;see below) is damaged and it is n o t clear whether Robert is involved or not, though Tegeinglia is legible a n d

would imply that Robert is present (see §12/2n.). A secondary consequence of all of this is that there is no evidence that Robert was the nephew of Hugh of Chester.


the threats of the men of Powys. But our text, insofar as it is legible, suggests that he sent the sons of Merwydd to a sanctuary ni Clynnog; that is, there is no relative pronoun to subordinate the clause about Clynnog. The presence of Robert of Rhuddlan is implied by the surviving phrase (ex] Tegenglia elegerat since Robert controlled Tegeingl (but cf. the note above to $10/6). There si no evidence surviving that forces from Anglesey were involved but there are sufficientgaps in the text for them to have been there.

§11 For an image of this section, see Plate .1

§12/4 omen: this corresponds to coelfain 'boon' in the Welsh text (HGK. 8. 15 =

MPW, 60. 28) and seems to carry the sense of a reward for the delivery of good news.

§11/1 (suum cognatum existentem): it is likely that for reasons of space this phrase was not in the original

The parallel drawn between Anian, iuvenis quidam Arvonensis, and the iuvenis quidam Amalechita is made explicit by the verbalparallel. However, the parallel

$11/2 optimam ex < > Griffini: there is a space in the text between ex and Griffini. et tunicam has been added above o p t i m a m ex with an insertion mark

Amalechite who brings the news of Saul's death is executed by Davidbecause

between the two words. Over the space yskin, id est pelle has been added. Presumably, the scribe had difficulty reading what followed ex. §11/3 a thesauris: for a(b) denotingofficial duties, see DMLBS, s.v. 3 a, ab, 8(b).

For classical examples, see OLD, s.v. ab, 24 (c).

runs only as far as the delivery of news. In I Samuel 31 and 2 Samuel ,1 the young he boasted that he had killed Saul (at Saul's own request) to prevent him falling into the hands of the Philistines. The Welsh text has him being given an arm-band (HGK, 8. 20 = MPW, 61. 1), and not the concubine, Dylad, as he requested. In our text Anian is rewarded but, as the text is lost at the crucial point, it is not clear

with what. The text is fragmentary but seems to end with et followed by a large space; it is possible that this section may have been illegible in the exemplar. in Philistino bello: the Welsh text has hvt en Philistim to the land of the


For a brief notice of the events described in this section, see ByT (Pen. 20), 21b16-18 =( tr. 16. 24-5), ByT (RB), 28. 15-16, ByS, 78. 26-27, and, for discussion, HGK, p. cxxii $12/2: this sentence is badly mangled in the manuscript (see Plate 1). It runs from the bottom of p. 13 to the top of p. 14. Most of it has been deleted and

heavily emended by Thelwall and not all of the underlying text is legible. In addition large portions of ti are missing at the top of p. 15. The major emendation to bring it into line with the Welsh text suggests that theunderlying text was trying to saying something different, but what that was is now probably irrecoverable. The significant variation between our text and the Welsh text means that it is impossible to substitute elements from the

subsequent Latin fair copies; hence the gaps in the edited text at this point. The general sense is clear: Gruffudd is gathering allies in his attempt to wrest Gwynedd from Cynwrig and Trahaearn and those allies seem to include the sons of Merwydd (listed in $10/3), Robert of Rhuddlan and troops from

Anglesey. The Welsh text (HGK, 8. 3-4 = MPW, 60. 13-14) says that Gruffudd sent the sons of Merwydd who were in sanctuary in Clynnog through fear of

Philistines' (HGK, .8 19 (varr. Philistin) = MPW, 60. 32). According to 2

Samuel 1, David was ni Ziklag.

§12/5 missi: it has been deleted in the manuscript, but the deletion may be by the original scribe and not by Thelwall. It was originally in an odd position splitting victoria …ovantes, the preceding words are lost but I suspect the original had reversi milites in expeditionem superiorem missi victoria ovantes, and that missi had been omitted and then inserted one word later.

lustrare: the meaning is unclear; ti can mean 'purge, cleanse', wander, roam over' or 'illuminate'. The second sense is unlikely, given that the preceding clause has circuiret which means much the same. There is nothing correspondin g in the Welsh text (HGK, 8. 28-9 = MPW, 61. 10-11).

Angliae conterminos: Evans (HGK, 64, n. 8. 26) suggests that this refers to Tegeingl, and the areas attacked by the Normans from Chester, Shrewsbury and Hereford. But it is far from clear that Gruffudd ranged that far east.

Tegeingl was controlled by Robert who seems to have been on Gruffudd's side against Trahaearn.





§12/6 in loco vallis Kyning, Cambrice dictus Gwaeterw: the Welsh text has yg glynn kyving, y lle a elwir yg Kymraec Gvaet Erw 'in a narrow glen, the place called ni Welsh Gwaed Erw' (HGK, 9. 4-5 = MPW, 61. 16-17), where kyving is treated as an adjective 'narrow'. Lloyd, History of Wales, 380-1 (and n. 76) suggested that 'Glyn Cyfing' refered to the valley now called Dyffryn Glyncul

The battle of Gwaederw is not mentioned in the Brutiau, but it does figure in Meilyr Brydydd's Marwnad for Gruffudd ap Cynan; see CBT, I, 3, .1 128, and

Williams, 'Meilyr Brydydd and Gruffudd ap Cynan', 181 1(. 128), 185 (translation); .J B. Smith, 'Age of Princes', 8.

B . Smith, 'Age of the Princes', 7-8. While ti would be possible to emend to

812/7 (conservatus) ex bello: the text is damaged here. The text of the fair copy must have been expanded as it is too long to fit into the space.

kyuing in our text (assuming confusion of n and u), there are a number of difficulties: first, our manuscript clearly has an initial capital K - implying that it

§12/8 quasi gigas ad currendam viam: cf. Psalms 18.5-7: ut gigas ad currendam viam.

where a mill of Keyng was noted ni the Record of Caernarvon, 275; see also .J

is being regarded as a name, not an adjective; secondly, this Latin text does not as a rule contain stray Welsh adiectives (all Welsh words are carefully identified

ab iniquis et paganis dominis: in the Welsh text there is no equivalent to iniquis et

and explained; cf. in this sentence Gwaeterv, vel ager sanguinis, §14/11 ni insulam

paganis: o'r argluydi a dothoed idi o le arall 'from the masters who came to it

Adron (quae et focarum insula dicitur)). We would expect to fi n d in loco vallis angustae, or in valle angusta or something similar to $25/5 in angustiis viarum

adiective in the Welsh breaks down the rhetorical parallel with the regum

insidias collocans which refers to Gruffudd placing ambushes to attack William Rufus (translated ni the Welsh text as en lleoed kewing (HGK, 22. 20 = MPW, 75. 6-7)). Furthermore, the phrasing of in loco vallis Kyning suggests that the author is thinking of a place name of the form i'n the valley of ,-' perhaps

beginning with Cwm-. Assuming that we do not have the Old English word 'king' here, a possible candidate is Cwmgwnin (in the parish of Llanelltyd). The following forms are attested: 1209 Cumgwenyn (Llywelyn's Charter, 55); 1293 Coumgwynnin (Merioneth Lay Subsidy Roll, 74); 1352 Cumgwenyn (Record of Caernarvon, 200. 14); 1574 Congwynyn alias Cwingwnym (Peniarth Estate Papers, III, 814 (item NA12) = Schedule, item 473); 1612 Cwm gwuning (Peniarth Estate Papers, III.820 (item NA31) = Schedule, item 463); c. 1700

Kwm Gwning, Afon Wnning o Gwm Kwnning (Parochalia, ,I 2). The same name element may appear in Afon Wnni. If the identification is correct, there is some

support ni the other forms for the spelling with final -ng. However, the original element seems to have begun with /g/- (it is unlikely that Lhuyd's form Gwm

Kwnning can be taken seriously in the face of the overwhelming evidence for an initial G-). It could be argued that, ni the process of being taken intoa Latinate context, it was thought that *G(wyning was lenited and so the form Kyning was produced as a back-formation; it might also have been felt that, when shifting from Welsh cwm (masc.) to Latin vallis (fem.), it was important to show that nouns were not lenited after feminine nouns in Latin.

Cwmgwnnin (modern Cwm yr Wnin) is a small valley running south (from OS SH 709227 to 716192) to join the u p p e rend of the Mawddach estuary just

to the west of Llanelltyd and Cymer Abbey, on the border between Merioneth and Ardudwy. The flat area near to the point where it joins the Mawddach

would be an appropriate location for a battle with Trahaearn defending Merioneth from forces coming from the north.

from elsewhere' (HGK, 9. 14 = MPW, 61. 31-2). However, the omission of the infidelium in the following analogy with Maccabaeus.


$13/1 adhabitandum commigrarent: again this is less forceful than dothoedent y wledychu h ' ad come to rule' (HGK, 9. 25 = MPW, 62. 6-7) where gwledychu has connotations of rule missing from habitare. $13/2 The precise details are unclear as the right-hand corner of the page is missing. But the fair copies suggest that there was nothing parallel to the bailli 'bailey' of the Welsh text (HGK, 9. 26 = MPW, 62. 9). e castris: the text before castris has been lost. The Welsh text is quite different (HGK, 9. 25-7 = MPW, 62. 7-10). §13/4 reges: this has been changed in the Welsh text to vrenhin Ywerdon (sing.) 'king of Ireland' (HGK, 10. 2= MPW, 62. 13-14) and the cognati Griffini have been removed.


For a brief mention of the battle of Bron yr Erw, see ByT (Pen. 20), 22a1-5 (= tr. 16. 31-2), ByT(RB), 28. 22-3, ByS, 80. 1-2; see also HGK, p. cxxii. §14/1 note quadam intempesta: the Latin is more specific about it being ni the

dead of night, while the Welsh hyt nos 'by night' (HGK, 10. 6= MPW, 62. 20) simply suggests that it happened during the night






Hybernis: this applies to the horsem*n in the Latin text. The Welsh text yn e wlat

§14/11 ut a d naves deducat:

o'r Gwydyl..

(HGK, 1. 1 (and n. 3) = MPW, 63. 27). The Latin iscorrectly rendered by o'e anon, and so the Peniarth 17 version of the Welsh text, in readingo'e anvod,

(HGK, 10. 7) is translated as 'in the country of the Irish' (MPW,

62. 20), but it is unclear in the Welsh whether or Gwydyl should go with yn e wlat or with the following number. In the Latin Hybernis has to refer to the fifty-two horsem*n. Jones interprets the Welsh similarly, though he is mistaken about the


Welsh text adds o'e a n v o d(varr. o'e anvon)

contains a copying error.

number, 'two hundred and twenty of the knights of Gruffudd' (HGC, 119).

in Insulam Adron (quae et focarum insula dicitur): cf. in the Welsh text hyt en enys Adron, sef lle oed hunny enysy moelronyeit 'to the island of Adron, namely

§14/2 consanguinei: cf. Kenwric y gar 'Cynwrig his kinsman' (HGK, 10. 13 = MPW, 62. 27) which Evans notes is ambiguous (HGK, 66, n. 10. 13). The Latin

the island of the seals' (HGK, 1. 12-13 = MPW, 63. 29-30). Thiscan be taken together with $2319 ni quandam insulam (quae Dinieuyt vocatur) corresponding to en ron enys, nyt amgen enys dinewyt e mor in the island of Ron, namelythe island of the seals' (HGK, 20. 9-10 = MPW, 72. 29-30), which must refer to the same

text does at least make it clear that Cynwrig is a relative. $14/5 accepto ... Kellinawe vawr: according to the Latin text Tewdwr and

Gollwyn commit treachery against Gruffudd even though that had received Clynnog Fawr from him. The Welsh text states that they received a gift from him ni Clynnog Fawr: eu kyuarws yg Kellynauc Vaur (HGK, 10. 21-2 = MPW, 63. 3-4). It is conceivable that something has fallen out of the Latin text, but two

errors would have to have been made: the loss both of a word corresponding to kyuarws and of the preposition in. However, while there is some material inserted at this point in the text, there is nothing added by the main hand.

place. B o t hprobably refer to t h eSkerries, islands also known as St Daniel's Isleor Ynysoedd y Moelrhoniaid. There is no evidence apart from HGK (and now also

VGC) for Ynys Dyniewaid (see Melville Richards, Atlas Môn, 160; Enwau Tir a Gwlad, 21), and it si therefore likely that it si a paraphrase of 'seal island' or the like T h e n a m e A d r o n is p r o b l e m a t i c : t h e q u a e

... . d i c i t u r c l a u s e is i n t e n d e d t o

explain ron, the Welsh rendering of Old English hrán 'seal', implying that ti was regarded a separate word at the stage of transmission when the explanation was added; it is preserved in Welsh in the compound moelrhon (see Lloyd-Jones.

'Rôn'; I. Williams, 'Llywelyn Foelrhon'; Meyer, 'Zur keltische Wortkunde', 946

$14/8 complures iacebant, captique i nprelio nonnulli: by means of a chiastic word-order pattern the Latin contrasts the relatively large number killed with

(§125); there seems to be no Old Norse comparandum (except possibly for the name of a sea-goddess, Rán). Given t h a ta version of O Bhran is used here, it is

the small n u m b e rcaptured. The Welsh text dispenses w i t h any s u c hdistinction:

captured . . . ' (HGK, 10. 27-8 = MPW, 63. 11-12).

odd that it is apparently compounded with ad-. However, while Adron is written as one word with an initial capital, in the context ti could be taken asad Ron. It is slightly awkward with the preceding ni insulam, though not impossible. Perhaps the

$14/9 Keritus, nutricius, Varudri princeps et dominus Cruc Brendan: there is no conjunction between the two names (as there is in the Welsh text (HGK. 10. 28 = MPW. 63. 13)) and so it is not clear that in the Latin text Keritus and Varudri

occurrence it is possible that ad Ron was taken as a single name and thus the whole phrase was rewritten as in insulam Adron quae et focarum insuladicitur. It

llawer a digvydassant . . . a llawer a dalyassant 'many fell . . . and many were

original of our Latin text h a dad Ron insulam .i. focarum insula and this was

translated into Welsh as en ron enys, etc. ni the second instance. In the first

Brendan. On Cruc Brendan, cf. also The Song of Dermotand the Earl, 122-3 1(.

follows, therefore, that the misunderstanding of ad Ron as Adron had already happened before the Welsh text was produced. At §23/9, to judge from the Welsh text, en ron enys, the original Latin text may have had something like ad Ron insulam but this was changed to a vaguer ni quandam insulam perhaps through

1653). On the other hand, it has been suggested that Keritus (Welsh Cerit) was a corruption of [ma]c Eric; see Duffy, Ostmen, Irish and Welsh', 394.

uncertainty as to whether this was the same island as in $14/11. A further implication is that the Welsh version was made from a Latin text which was at

(probably a corruption of mac Ruaidri (see HGK, 67, n. 1. 1)) are intended to refer to two separate people; it is possible that Gruffudd's foster-father was called Kerit(us) mac Ruaidri vel sim.

a n d was lord an d m a s t e r of Cruc

$14/10 rex Frigiae: Agamemnon was never king of Phrygia. The same error, brenhin Frigia, has been maintained in the Welsh text in Peniarth 17 (HGK, 11.

7= MPW, 63. 21), though ti was corrected to brenhin y Groegwyr ni the archetype of the other manuscripts; for the stemma of the manuscripts of the Welsh version, see the Introduction, Figure .1 It may prove interesting if the source o f t h i s error can be traced

least one copy removed from the original. Alternatively, the original Latin could have had the vaguer phrase, in quandam insulam, and the Welsh text made things more precise. This would fit well with the suggestion that the Latin life

treats Gwynedd as fi ti were at a distance and can be rather vague about details; see the Introduction, pp. 41-2. fI the broad argument in this note is correct, then Adron would disappear as a real place name along with any link to Ptolemy's Androul AdroulEdrou (see Sims-Williams, 'Old Irish feda', 472-3).




§14/13 cum prims: this phrase is understood here as adverbial 'usually, for the most part'.

The Welsh version seems to assume that it means 'from the

beginning' and translates it by er y dechreu 'from the beginning' (HGK, 1. 17-18 = MPW, 63. 37). Alternatively, it is possible that the Welsh translator understood the Latin phrase as 'among leaders' and so transferred it to the preceding clause where it was translated y'r tywyssogyon 'for the leaders' (HGK.

ni the Welsh text (HGK, 12. 24 = MPW, 65. 13). It si at least as likely that the disenchanted companions and members of his household were Irish as Danish, given that they take him off to Ireland. It is possible that the Welsh translator with his more Gwynedd-centred interests may have been reluctant to portray the people of Anglesey and Gwynedd as treacherous.

11. 17 = MPW, 63. 36); this phrase, however, only occurs ni the Peniarth 17

depopulati: the manuscript has de v (confirmed by the catchword). It si likely

version and so may well be a later addition.

that the scribe could only partially read the word and it was overwritten with depopulati by Thelwall.

$14/14 infidelis: in the translation this is taken with Demetri regis (as it is at HGK, 11. 20) since populus is already qualified by an adjective, but its position in the sentence could allow it to be taken with populus Israeliticus, possibly a deliberate positioning of the word to emphasize the parallel between ludas Maccabaeus and Gruffudd in having to deal with an unreliable populace.

ut gygas vel leo: the comparison with ludas Maccabaeus is verbally explicit; cf. 1 Macc. 3.3-4: sicut gigans . . . similis factus est leoni. The same Maccabaean

navibus spoliis onustis: in the Welsh text the spolia are specified in greater detail

as deneon a goludoed 'men and riches' (HGK, 12. 22-3 = MPW, 65. 10-11); cf. Evans' note (HGK, 71, n. 12. 22-3).


§16/3 There si nothing ni the Latin text corresponding to Welsh beunyd 'daily'

reference is used at $18/8.

(HGK, 13. 5 = MPW, 65. 24).

§14/17 ni civitate: cf. theWelsh text, yg Caer Llwytcoet 'in Lincoln' (HGK, 1. 28 = MPW, 64. 15).

relinquunt: the corresponding Welsh version, yhadaussant (HGK, 13. 6 = MPW,

§15 §15/2 Ouorum vocibus acquiescens: there is nothing in the Welsh text corres-

ponding to this (cf. HGK, 12. 8 = MPW, 64. 22). sulcantibus: the manuscript has sultantibus o rsaltantibus. This has been changed by Thelwall to sulcantibus matching the Welsh gan rwygaw dyvynvoroed

'cleaving the deep seas' (HGK, 12. 9= MPW, 64. 26). It is likely that the original had sulcantibus as syntactically saltantibus would require a preposition with mare and possibly a different case of the noun. It is not impossible that saltantibus was originally a misreading of sulcantibus written in an insular hand; see Introduction, p. 43.

$15/4 quem eorum opere aequificaret: there is nothing corresponding to this ni the Welsh text (cf. HGK, 12. 16 = MPW, 64. 35). There si a parallel relative clause a gavas onadunt 'as many of them as he found', but it does not correspond in sense.

§15/5 indignati cives domesticique eius: the unhappy companions are identified ni the Welsh text as Danes, Daynysseit (HGK, 12. 19 = MPW, 65. 5). Likewise in $15/6 the treachery is civium suorum but is identified as betrayal by the Danes

65. 25), si unclear; see Evans's note (HGK, 72, n. 13. 6). It perhaps offers

another example of where the Latin text is clearer than the Welsh. adeo ut: the consecutive clause is marked in the Welsh text by ac odvna(HGK. 13. 6-7) which in view of the Latin might be better translated and as a result. than the weaker and then. (MPW, 65. 26). haberetur: the manuscript reads habebaretur which looks like the scribe intended to write an imperfect indicative habebatur but then realized that a subiunctive

verb was required in the consecutive clause, and so added the subjunctive ending withoutdeleting as much of the verbal stem as he should have done. quasi: the Latin text implies that many of the people of Gwnedd remained but

suffered as if they had been exiled. The Welsh version (HGK, 13. 7-8 = MPW, 65. 29) simply assumes that they went elsewhere (and few returned).


§17 The structure of this chapter seems to have the air of a charter narrative, for example, the list of people from St David's, the verbal agreements then used t ojustify later acts of aggression.





§17/1 trivisset curiam < >: the text is difficult to read under the deletions and


trwydet 'as guest' (HGK, 13. 14 = MPW, 66. 2).

$18 For a discussion of the textual variation between the narrative of the battle of Mynydd Carn here and in the Welsh version, see the Introduction, pp. 27-9.

a(pud) Diermit: the copyist seems not to have recognized the personal name as he copied it without a initial capital. The text reads a diermit, possibly to be read in the first instance as ad Diermit; however, ad may be a misreading of an

$18/1 Kyndelw filius < > Monensis: cf. a Chendelu m. Conus o Von (HGK, 14. 23

there is a gap after curiam; ni the Welsh version this phrase is rendered by yn

abbreviation for apud. Alternatively, the a may be the ending of the preceding word which the main hand had difficulty reading.

civibus Hybernis ac Britannis: the Danes are added in the Welsh text (HGK, 13. 16 = MPW, 66. 5).

archepiscopali: how far this is related to the claims of St David to metropolitan status is discussed elsewhere; see the Introduction, pp. 46-7. It is suggested ni HGK, 73, n. 13. 19, that the original Latin might have had metropolis here. §17/2: the emphasis on St David's is striking; see the Introduction, pp. 45-7. §17/6-13 For this section, see Plate 2. $17/7-9 tres Cambriae reges praecipui: these are subsequently listed in $17/9 as

Caradog of Gwent, the inhabitants of Morgannwg (king unnamed), and Trahaearn with the men of Arwystli. The changes made by Thelwall, which

match the Welsh text, have the effect of amalgamating the inhabitants of Morgannwg with the forces of Caradog and adding Meilyr ap Rhiwallon with the men of Powys. The Welsh text also differs in referring not to 'three noble

kings of Wales' but rather to tri brenhin o'r gwladoed pennaf o Gemry 'the three kings of the chief lands of Wales' (HGK, 14. 4-5 = MPW, 66. 24-5) which would have to be taken to include Powys. Note the absence of Meilyr ap Rhiwallon; on what little is known of him, see Maund, Ireland, Wales and England, 94.

$17/11 Dimidium ... ditionis meae: possibly a justification for the invasion of Ceredigion by Owen Gwynedd in 1136. For the possible significance of this for the composition date of VGC, see the Introduction, pp. 46-7. $17/13 D. Davidis: in a twelfth-century text we might have expected S(ancti)

Davidis. Divi is common from the fifteenth century onwards, and it may be a late replacement ni the text. However, it could also be a product of scribal error; in the type of secretary hand found in Penarth 434 and earlier manuscripts capital S and D are very similar and perhaps vulnerable to confusion.

For notices ni the Brutiau, see ByT (Pen. 20), 23a15-26 (= tr. 17. 22-6), ByT (RB), 30. 14-17, ByS 80. 24-8; see also HGK, p. cxxii. = MPW, 67. 14). There is a gap between filius and Monensis which may have contained the patronymic. The lack of agreement is puzzling (the reading of the manuscript has been retained in the edited text); we would expect Kyndelw

filio [Conusi] Monensis. Perhaps Kyndelw, encouraged by the ambiguous Monensis after the gap, was not recognized as an ablative and treated instead as nominative.

$18/2: there is some finely nuanced characterization of Rhys in this sentence: his small number of followers (perpaucis australibus) in contrast to Gruffudd's

large retinue; the striking use of the emphatic prefix per- on the adjectives perpaucis and perbelle; his self-satisfied but mistaken analysis of how things were going. §18/3 montes: cf. $18/17 montes autem ni quibus ... montes Carn.. The plural montes is in contrast to the singular menyd of the Welsh (HGK, 15. 2, 16. 13, 14). $18/4 differamus bellum: for a possible parallel to this unwillingness to fight which is rejected by a heroic king, cf. 1 Macc. 3.17-19. $18/5 inquit Griffinus: the Welsh text adds dan igyon 'with asigh' (HGK, 15. 6 =

MPW, 67. 24), thus adding an indication of Gruffudd's feelings which is missing in the Latin. quousque tibi placuerit: the Latin is far more dismissive than the Welsh os mynny 'if you wish' (HGK, 15. 6 = MPW, 67. 24 5). $18/8 non secus ac gigas vel leo: this analogy has already been used of ludas Maccabaeus a t$14/14 (cf. 1 Macc. 3. 3-4).

$18/9 in quo ne filius quidem patri pepercit: in the Welsh this clause was removed and replaced by a blander phrase about sons celebrating the battle after the death of their parents y chof (varr. clyf, klyw) y'r etiued wedi eu ryeni 'to be remembered by the descendants after their forebears' (HGK, 15. 17-18 = MPW, 68. 4-5). Was this done to remove the implication of civil war and that families were split over their support for Gruffudd?




$18/12 quasi herbas viventibuscarpere dentibus ex armis: cf. the Welsh en pori a'e danhed y llyssyeu ir 'chewing with his teeth the fresh herbs' (HGK, 15. 24-5 =

MPW, 68. 15) where the adjective has been shifted to agree with herbas. The

Latin version is far more striking with its unexpected patterns of agreement

and word-order; ti implies that Trahaearn ni his death throes was gnawing at

the grass and that the only things left alive were his teeth. On the other hand, it is not impossible that a copying error has crept into the Latin whereby the eye of the scribe skipped from the last two syllables of viventes to dentibus and


$19/3 adulatoris: not in the Welsh text (HGK, 17. 6 = MPW, 69. 26). 819/4: the Latin text has the invitation made to Gruffudd alone. but the Welsh text

addsa'th wyrdieither 'with thy foreigners'(HGK, 17. 8= MPW, 69. 28); cf. §19/6 below where the Latin text implies that there were others accompanying

Gruffudd but that they were his famuli not his 'foreigners' (again wyrdeithyr in

the Welsh text (HGK, 17. 13 = MPW, 69. 34-5)).

added the wrong ending to viventibus. The Welsh seems to expand on the notion of death throes: ac en palualu ar warthaf ei arveuand groping on top of

$19/5 annis duodecim: We would have expected an accusative plural annos here.

death throes, cf. the death of Hugh, earl of Shrewsbury, at $28/7. The phrase ex armis may be misreading of exermis disarmed, unarmed', but ti may simply mean that he has lost his weapons or that he had been disarmed.

lengths of time given for Gruffudd's imprisonment, which are to be found in both the Latin and the Welsh texts, s e eHGK, pp. cxxviii, cl, ccxl, 80, n. 17. 8,

§18/13-18 For this section, see Plate 3.

between Mynydd Carn and the Welsh rebellion of 1093), Moore, 'Gruffudd ap Cynan and the mediaeval Welsh polity', 36-9 (was Gruffudd involved in 1293?). It is possible that the discrepancyarose from textual confusion either

his arms' (HGK, 15. 25-6 = MPW, 68. 15-16). For a similar description of

§18/13 ut carnem suillam ni lardum: Gwcharki preserved Trahaearn's body in salt in the same way as pork was turned into bacon. The Welsh text seems to have shifted the point of the analogy: a wnaeth bacwn ohonaw u a lo hwch 'made

bacon out of him as of a pig' (HGK, 15. 26-27 = MPW, 68. 17). $18/15 societate u n i tam illustris: the text has been heavily deleted, but uni is clear

and, unless ti is to be emended to unius, can only be explained as a medieval genitive singular of unus.

§18/20 i n paternam hereditatem: in the Welsh this is rendered as y'u briodolder a

thref y date hun 'to his own proper possession and patrimony' (HGK. 16. 24-5 = MPW, 69. 14-15); on priodolder in HGK, see Charles-Edwards, Early Irish and Welsh Kinship, 294 6.

Cf. $22/1post sedecim annorum spacium (vn vlyned ar bemthec (HGK, 18. 10 =

MPW, 70. 29-30)). For discussion of the discrepancy between the two different

Lewis, 'Gruffudd ap Cynan and hte Normans', 68-9 (twelve years fits well

between duodecim and sedecim or between the Roman numerals xi and xui. The latter requires loss of a minim at some point. In neither case is it clear that the confusion would necessarily go in one direction or the other; while confusion between Roman numerals might require xui to be prior, that may

itself be a misreading of, for example, xii or xiu. Note that other sources seem confused over the length of Gruffudd's imprisonment; see the references to HGK above. A further observation might be made about the historical background: when Gruffudd escapes, he goes off to Godred Crovan of Man (§23/1 Gothreum). According to the Cronica regum Mannie, fol. 33v and various annalistic sources (Thornton, 'Genealogy of Gruffudd ap Cynan', 95, n. 68), Godred died ni 1095 in Islay, fourteen years after Mynydd Carn (see Duffy, 'Irishmen and Islesmen', 106-8); fi so, the sixteen-year period must be inaccurate, but that does not make the twelve period correct. Alternatively, fi

one wished to hold on to the sixteen-year period, the identity of Gothreus would have to be questioned. For further details on Godred Crovan, see the


note on $23/1 below.

$19/1 illi fidelitate obstrictus: according to the Welsh text Meirion's treachery is

because of 'the devil's arrow', o saeth diauwl (HGK, 16. 28 = MPW, 69. 19).

$19/6famulos: see the note above on $19/4.

a case where the Welsh translator reveals a preference for the New Testament

§19/7 'Percutiampastorem, et dispergentur oves gregis': a quotation from Matthew

over the Old; cf. §26/10 proptermetu ludaeorum.

26.31. This passage is recycled from memory by the Welsh translator and added

This may be an allusion to Ephesians 6.16, tela nequissimi ignea. If so, it may be

after $26/10at HGK, 24. 23-4 (= MPW, 77. 5); see §26/10 for further discussion.

$19/3-4: for the kidnap plan, we might perhaps compare the attempted kidnap of ludas Maccabaeus at 1 Macc. 7. 28-9.




§20 $20 The physical description of Gruffudd follows the usual top to bottom sequence ofmedieval descriptions; for a similar description in a biography, cf. Einhard, Vita Karoli Magni, §22.


eorum; Deut 26.7, et clamavimus ad Dominum Deum patrum nostrorum qui

exaudivit nos; 1 Sam 7.9, et clamavit Samuhel ad Dominum pro Israhel et exaudivit eum Dominus. The same replacement has happened at §28/2.

§20/1: many of the corrections were intended to maintain the oratio obliqua of the main description; thus, perpolitus and excellens were changed into accusatives and the main verb of that clause, fuerat, deleted. Since the

$22/1 post sedecim annorum spacium: see the discussion above at $19/5.

accusatives continue in the final clause of the sentence, the clause about

ni palatio civitatis: the Welsh text (HGK, 18. 14 = MPW, 71. 3) has ym plas e

Gruffudd's linguistic skills looks like a parenthetic afterthought which stands

outside the syntax.


dinas 'in the city square' (HGK, 18. 14 = MPW, 71. 3) implying that Gruffudd was out in the open and so it was easier to remove him. The Latin suggests that

codetanei: this si a more general description than kedemdeitheon gvahanredaul 'special acquaintances' (HGK, 17. 18 = MPW. 70. 4). externarum linguarum excellens: the Welsh text emphasizes the number of languages in which he was competent, huaudel en amravaellvon veithvoed

(HGK, 17. 23-4 = MPW, 70. 12). ni hostes magnanimum: the Welsh text is harsher, a chreulaun wrth y elynyon 'cruel towards his enemies' (HGK, 17. 25 = MPW, 70. 14).

§21 §21/2 ad . . : there is a gap in the text here which Thelwall filled with the words

eorum defensionem. The Welsh text (HGK, 18. 6= MPW, 70. 18) has nothing corresponding to this, and it is possible that the copy used by the Welsh translator was also corrupt at this point. Given that the following clause has to

do with inflicting cruelty and that this text has a liking for gerunds, ti is perhaps more likely that the original had something likea ddepopulandum.

Cynwrig rescued him from inside a building.

ni amplexibus: the Welsh text has Gruffudd being carried on Cynwrig's back, ar e geuyn (ef) (HGK, 18. 14-15 = MPW, 71. 4). The implication of both texts is that G r u ff u d d was not in a fit state to walk.

vespere: the Welsh text has pyrnavn (HGK, 18.16), translated ni MPW, 71. 6 as "afternoon', but the Latin shows that 'evening' would be more appropriate. §22/4 in australibus partibus Walliae: the corresponding phrase in the Welsh text is en Deheubarth (HGK, 18. 22 = MPW, 71. 15). Walliae looks like a late addition here; cf. $5/10n. above, and the Introduction, p. 45. $22/5 nonus: cf. a'r nauvet (HGK, 18.23 = MPW, 71. 16). The use of the ordinal to refer to one of the number is characteristic both of Celtic languages and of Latin written by native speakers of Celtic languages.

$2217 Collwini: cf. Welsh Gollwyn (HGK, 19. 5= MPW, 71. 26). There si hesitation - or G-; see HGK, in the source material as to whether the name begins with C

83, n. 19. 5. pedites sagittariosque: the P e n a r t h 17 version of the Welsh text has a phedvt

saethydyon 'archers on foot' (HGK, 18. 7 = MPW, 70. 24-5) against a phedyt a saethydyon 'infantry and archers' of the other manuscripts (HGK, 18, n. 1). In comparison with the Latin text, the other manuscripts preserve a better reading.

$21/3 ipseque ... subsidium tulit: the Welsh text has a different text, a c enteu d'e

guerendewis wy a' nd He listened to them' (HGK, 18. 9= MPW, 70. 28). The first part of this sentence is biblical and it may have triggered in the Welsh translator the usual biblical continuation, et (ex)audivit (Deus), or the like; cf. Exod. 2.23-4, ascendit clamor eorum ad Deum ab operibus et audivit gemitum

ad se receperunt: the Welsh text has the sons of Gollwyn taking pity upon him, y truanassant urthau (HGK, 19. 7 = MPW, 71. 27).

§22/8 cum sexaginta viris: the Welsh text has a hundred and sixty men at this point, wyth ugeinwyr (HGK, 19. 8= MPW, 71. 29). It is possible that the Welsh translator misunderstood cum or perhaps the abbreviated form with the m as a

suspension mark, as in this manuscript, as an abbreviation forcentum. quasi erro quidam: this is not preservedin the Welsh text (HGK, 19. 8-9 = MPW, 71. 30). Perhaps a Gwynedd-based translator preferred not to portray Gruffudd as




a runaway slave. Did the original author wish to imply a comparison with Spartacus? §2219 ipsi milites: the Welsh text has locals involved in pursuing Gruffudd as well as the Normans, eu hemlyn a wnaethant ac wynt a chivdaut e wlat (HGK, 19. 12-13 = MPW, 71. 35-6), while ni the Latin only the Franci are engaged in his pursuit


$23/2 primis suis temporibus: Gruffudd si confident of gaining help from Godred not because it is the first time he went and asked (as the Welsh

translator supposed, canys ena gentaf ry dothoed 'for then had he first come to him' (HGK, 19. 23 = MPW, 72. 11-12)), but because he had made a similar

successful request ni his youth (primis suis temporibus). Presumably, Godred cervum: the Welsh text has a tired stag, carv blin (HGK, 19. 14 = MPW, 71. 37)

was one of those who supported Gruffudd in his early attempts to gain power ni Gwynedd (cf. $9/2). The suis is crucial ni making ti clear that temporibus

§22/10 remigum importunis laboribus: the Welsh text (HGK, 19. 16 = MPW, 72. 3) omits to mention the heroic efforts involved in rowing to Ireland. On rowing

refers to a stage in Gruffudd's own life.

between Wales and Ireland, see Hudson, 'Changing economy', 40. $22/11: This stage of t h e narrative ends with Gruffudd returning to Wales, presumably to Aberdaron, from where h e then sets off again in $23 to visit Godred In the Welsh text another sentence relates his immediate return to Ireland: ac odeno

y kerdus eilweith dracheuen hyt n Iwerdon (HGK, 19. 18-19 = MPW, 72. 6-7).

§23/4 ex insulis: throughout this section insulae (pl.) seems to refer to the insulae Daniae; cf. $23/8 below, where all of the ships, except for Gruffudd's, return to the insulae D a n a e after the battle.

§23/6 ad vesperam: the Welsh text has hyt byrnhavn, again better translated as

'evening' (MPW, 72. 12 'afternoon'), especially ni view of $23/8 nox proelium diremit. Cf. $22/1 above.


§23/1 in insulas Daniae: these are probably the Western Isles or perhaps more

§23/7 bipennibusque armatos: in the Welsh text it is Gruffudd who si armed with

the two-headed axe, oe' uwyall deuvinyauc (HGK, 20. 6= MPW, 72. 24 5.)

specifically Islay; see Etchingham, 'North Wales, Ireland and the Isles', 159.

ad Gothreum regem: he is identified by Evans (HGK, 84, n. 19. 21) as Godred Crovan, perhaps to be identified with the individual known in Irish sources as

Gofraid Méránach or Gofraid mac mic Arailt; for more recent discussion, see Duffy, Irishmen and Islesmen', 106-8, where the identity of these named characters is accepted (but cf. Moore, ' G r u ff u d d a p Cynan and the mediaeval

Welsh polity', 38, n. 276, who by implication thinks that Godfrey Méránach and Godred Crovan are different characters); if the Cronica regum Mannie are correct (compiled at Rushen Abbey no earlier than 1137 but perhaps as late as

1249 (see Cronica Regum Mannie; Blom, Chronicles of the Kings of Mann',

31-2)), Godred Crovan ruled Man from 1079, and died ni Islay ni 1095. If

§23/8 in insulas: see $23/4 above.

$23/9 in quandam insulam (quae Dinieuyt vocatur): see $14/11 for discussion.

$23/12 acula torserunt... defensitarunt: the Welsh translator evidently had a much better grasp of Norman military terminology than the Latin author: en burv ergydyeu a saytheu ac a chwareleu ac a thafleu ac a magneleu en gawadeu 'among blows and arrows from quarrels and slings and mangonels in showers' (HGK, 20. 19-20 = MPW, 73. 7-9; a better translation might be 'blows from arrows ).' Note the use of bailli (HGK, 9. 26) where the term does not seem to be used in the

Latin text (§13/2: certainty is impossible as the text is damaged at this point).

Gruffudd goes to Godred in insulas Dania, it may well be that Godred still

maintained his headquarters elsewhere than Man (Duffy, Irishmen and Islesmen', 107, n. 70). If Gothreus has been correctly identified, then Gruffudd's imprisonment at Chester cannot have lasted for sixteen years from the battle of Mynydd Carn in 1081; see the note at $19/5 above. adr e s suas: the text reads aliaque res s u a snecessaria which has to be emended

either to ad res suas or to rebus suis; at $17/1 ad is used with necessaris, and so the same pattern is used here.

adnavigavit: rendered in the Welsh text as ykerdus o hwyl a rwyf'he voyaged by sail and oar' (HGK, 19. 20 = MPW, 72. 9).

Wallorum: elsewhere in the text the Welsh are referred to as Cambri, and the usage here is striking, not least because the usual term based on Wallia is Wallensis (see Pryce, 'British or Welsh?', and the Introduction, p. 45), and there is no evidence for a term Wallus 'Welshman' (cf., however, inter Waloset Anglos in the Ouadripartitus version of the Dunsaete Ordinance; see the Introduction,

p. 45 n. 120, for details). That the original was understood as having a term referring to the Welsh at this point is indicated by the Welsh text, o beunydyawl

emlad e Kemry 'by the daily fighting of the Welsh' (HGK, 20. 21-2 = MPW, 73. 9-10). Did an early version of the text have something like certamine vallorum 'contest over the ramparts?




sexaginta quattuor: the Welsh text has a phetwar gyr a chue ugeint a hundred and twenty four' (HGK, 20. 23 = MPW, 73. 11). The Welsh translator seems not to be very competent at rendering Latin numerals into Welsh; he makes the same error at $23/15 below, and cf. also $22/8 where sexaginta becomes wuth

ugeint. In the present case ti is possible that he misunderstood the -ginta of the Latin numeral as equivalent to ugeint and so ended up doubling the number.


§25 §25/1 ut ne canem mingentem ad parietem relinqueret: for discussion of this

phrase as an example of Thelwall's modus operandi, see the Introduction, pp. 25-6. The phrase is biblical but modified to produce a greater impact. In Samuel and Kings, not to leave anyone pissing against a wall is a common phrase for exterminating all the males and implies brutal slaughter; see, for

§23/16 cytharaedus, penkerd: in the Welsh text his status is ambiguous as he is

example, 1 Kings 16.11, percussit omnem domum Baasa et non dereliquit ex co mingentem ad parietem et propinquos et amicos eius (also 1Samuel 25.22, 25.34, 1 Kings 14.10, 21.21, 2 Kings 9.8).To leave not evena male dog alive addseven greater force, implying presumably the prior extermination of all the male

called telynor pencerdd (HGK, 21. 14 = MPW, 73. 34-5) which could mean harpist to the pencerdd, but it is clear from the Latin that it is intended to

humans. The Welsh translator removed the biblical phrase and rewrote it as hyt na bei en vw kemeint a chi 'so that there would not be alive as much as a dog'

mean 'harpist, i.e. pencerdd; see .J E. C. Williams, 'Meilyr Brydydd', 169.

(HGK, 22. 14 = MPW, 74. 30-1). It is still brutal but does not retain the Old

§23/17 perpolitum: the Welsh text renders this with a noun, drybelitet (HGK, 21. 15

Testament implications of total massacre. The phrase was well known in medieval Britain and seems to have been in vogue in the twelfth century; for

§23/15 sexaginta: see the discussion above at $23/12.

Homerum: in the Welsh text the author compares himself to Virgil rather than

other examples, see Dumville, 'Celtic-Latin texts in northern England', 24 6; for a seventeenth-century instance, see L. M . Davies, "The Tregaer manuscript', 269 (stanza 54). The most striking instance is the use of the phrase by Giraldus Cambrensis in Descriptio Kambriae, I. 7, where he uses ti of Harold's incursion anddepredation of Wales, and it is tempting to wonder whether he

Homer, ac a Maro vard (HGK, 21. 19-20 = MPW, 74. 5). The Latin text seems

was familiar with its use in VGC.

= MPW, 73. 36). Lambert, 'Two Middle Welsh epithets', 105-6, has suggested that trybelid was part calque and part loan-word deriving from Latin perpolitus, a suggestion amply confirmed by this text.

curiously unwilling to refer to Virgil (see Introduction, p. 43); at $28/9 the Welsh

text (HGK, 26. 21-2 = MPW, 78. 22-4) adds a reference to Virgil's Eclogues on

§2512 ne vel umbra quidem: this is a rhetoricaldoublet to not leaving even a dog

the remoteness of Britain, which is not in the Latin text. In the present instance,

it is possible that there has been a copying error between Homerum and

pissing against a wall, namely cutting down all the trees so that not even a shadow is left. The Welsh text emphasizes the extended sense of umbra as

Maronem, with confusion between capital H - and M - and between lower case and -n-; the latter would be easier to envisage in an insular style of script. -r

or protection' (HGK, 22. 15-16 = MPW, 74. 32-3).

'protection', hyt na bei wascaut nac amdiffyn s'o that there would not be shelter imbecilliores: this adjective is omitted ni the Welsh text, but they are identified

§24 §24/1-2: the text has been heavily overwritten by both Thelwall and Thomas Wiliems; not only is the original text difficult to recover but it is also hard to

distinguish the two sets of additions; see the apparatus for details.

as Venedotians, e'r Gwyndyt (HGK, 22. 16 = MPW, 74. 33-75. 1). It may have been omitted because it was taken to be disparaging, though it may just be

assuming that the weaker element in the population of Gwynedd would take shelter in the woods, or alternatively it may mean that the men of Gwynedd

were in this campaign the weaker side without any pejorative implication. §24/1 oculisac : a gap, where the exemplar was illegible, was left after ac into which splendentibus was inserted.

$25/3 castra i n t r acastellamuris cincta: only in the Welsh text (HGK, 22. 17 =

82412 habita ac gesta quam decoram: in the Welsh text this is replaced by reference to her hospitality: a da o uwvt a llyn (HGK, 22. 2 = MPW, 74. 14).

29. 6). Likewise at $32/3 VGC has positis castris intra murata castella and this identified again as Mur Castell in the Welsh version (HGK, 29. 6 = MPW, 80. 25-6). $2515 ni angustis viarum: the Welsh text has en lleoed keuing (HGK, 22. 20 = MPW, 75. 6-7); cf. $1216 for discussion o fa similar phrase

§24/3 liber: more specifically in the Welsh text veibeon a merchet (HGK, 22. 8 =

MPW, 74. 18).

MPW, 75. 2) si this identified as MurCastell (Tomen y Mur; see HGK, 101, n.





§25/6 per intestina terrae: this phrase looks like a calque on Welsh perfedd

'middle part, intestines' (see GPC, s.v.), and indeed the Welsh text has trwyberued

y wlat 'through themiddle of the land' (HGK, 22. 22 = MPW, 75. 9). However, rather than being a literal translation, given the direction of William's retreat from Gwynedd to Chester, it is possible that it is to be taken as a calque on the place name Perfeddwlad, the area of Gwynedd east of the Conwy (a possibility

not envisaged ni HGK. Even so, ti is worth bearing in mind that the use of intestinum (and its adjective in this sense si classical; cf. Mare Intestinum 'the Mediterranean Sea'. nec perfidi ductores: VGC emphasizes the fact that with the departure of William Rufus even the treacherous guides gained n o reward. This is omitted in the Welsh text (HGK, 22. 24 = MPW, 75. 11-13) perhaps to avoid drawing further attention to the fact that he had been aided by Welshmen.

nisi forte unica ... vacca donatus: this clause provides an ironical anticlimax to

the ambitions of William Rufus and his treacherous guides: it holds out the possibility (and the subjunctive implies that it is only a possibility) that they got only one cow each and they did not even capture that. §25/7 currus: the reading is not secure as the word has been heavily deleted. If ti is correct, then the Welsh redactor has adjusted the text, and again as elsewhere

(cf. HGK, 9. 26, 20. 19-20) introduced Norman terminology, acueryeit 'esquires (HGK, 22. 25 = MPW, 75. 14; see also HGK, 90, n. 22. 25).

the Welsh version better than the Latin.Was the Welsh translator elaborating

on the Maccabean analogies already present in the text? Gruffudd's role as the Tudas Maccabaeus of north Wales has been well established from $12/2 onwards. Throughout this portion of the narrative Hugh is portrayed as Antiochus to Gruffudd's Maccabaeus. At $32/2 there are also hints that Henry might also be being aligned with Antiochus. iam saltem in Cambros vlcisceretur: this clause does not appear in the Welsh text

(HGK, 23. 14 = MPW, 75. 32). $26/2-5 For this section, see Plate 4. §26/3 phalanges suas in terras Griffini duc*nt: although a fleet has been

mentioned above ($26/1) and ships occur later in the narrative, no mention is

made of a sea-borne landing here; cf. the Welsh text, ac eu lu en eu longes ar vor with their host in their fleet by sea' (HGK, 23. 17 = MPW, 76. 1-2) Yweino ap Etwin: Gruffudd's father-in-law; on his career and genealogy, see

Maund, Ireland, Walesand England, 95-6. Vchtricofratre suo:on his career and genealogy, see Maund, Ireland, Wales and

t: ti is invariably England, 48-51 (and fig. 29).The form of the name seems corrup c spelt with a final-t or d- in other sources. It is possible that the is a misreading

of an insular .-t- Alternatively, compare the use of Mareduko for Maredudd (see

above, Notes, p. 126). §2519 ut olim David se gessit contra Saulem: cf. 1 Samuel 24.1-8: David and his men are hiding in a cave and Saul comes in unawares to relieve himself (ut purgaret ventrem). David's men want to kill him but David refuses to allow

them as Saul is God's anointed one. The implication might be that Gruffudd

§26/4 vel ore: or perhaps velere. The reading is very uncertain as it has been heavily deleted; there is an insertion mark after the I which is usually placed

between words, and so it may be two words. A word such as more or voluntate

had them at his mercy but held back as a matter of honour (because William

might have been expected. If the readingabove is correct, then os may be being

was God's anointed?). As elsewhere (cf. §§12/4, 34/2, 35/1, 35/4), the biblical

used in the sense of 'appearance'.

references should perhaps not be pressed too hard.

§26/5 Kadwgan et Meredith: the manuscript has Kadwallawn for Kadwgan, but

that si almost certainly an error; cf. later ni the narrative ($26/9) where

§26 For the events of $826-30, see the brief account in the Brutiau for 1098: BuT

(Pen. 20), 28a22-29b4 =( tr. 20. 33-21. 28); ByT (RB), 36. 21-38. 20; ByS

88. 30-92. 2; see also HGK, p. cexxii. §26/1 malorum omnium architectus: the Welsh text has gureid er holl drwe the root of all the evil' (HGK, 23. 1 = MPW, 75. 27). The first time Antiochus Epiphanes (for details, see HGK, 91, n. 23. 11) appears in 1 Maccabees, he is described as a radix peccatrix 'an evil scion' 1( Maccabees 1.11). This matches

Cadwgan ap Bleddyn appears. There seems to be no pair of brothers operating

ni eleventh- and twelfth-century Wales called Cadwallawn and Meredith. On Cadwgan and Maredudd, sons of Bleddyn ap Cynfyn, see Maund, Ireland,

Wales and England, 103-5.

maturo capto consilio: from this point on, the text of HGK used for comparison edition changes; the fragmentary Peniarth 17 version has broken off and Evans's uses the Penarth 267 version; thebreak comes at HGK, 23. 23.





where presumably the last phrase in the Welsh should be read as y'rynys, as

all ry ynys "they all poured into the island' (HGK, 24. 7= MPW, 76. 22-3),

Matthew 26.31 is quoted (see $19/7 above =( HGK, 17. 15-17 = MPW, 70. 4 5)). The sentence here in the Welsh text may well have been carried over from the earlier passage. The biblical reference is unclear and is likely to be a quotation

tywallt only seems to take that which is being poured as a direct object (GPC.

from memory; cf. Zachariah 13.7, Matthew 26.31 for similar sentiments.

§2617 totam insulam...

tradiderunt: the corresponding Welsh text is y tywalldassant

3685, s.v. tywalltaf), and there is nothing at all about handing the island over.

There seems to be some confusion in that oll, which presumably correspond s to totam, has been transferred to the Irishmen.

$26/8 consilii dubius fuit: the Latin text has Gruffudd ni a dilemma as to whether he should first tackle the French or the defection of the fleet. The Welsh text simply has him not knowing what to do about these problems (HGK, 24. 10-11 = MPW, 76. 26-7). 826/9 Cadwgan ap Bleddyn: see $26/5 above. The Welsh text adds that he is the son-in-law of Gruffudd, y daw (HGK, 24. 12 = MPW, 76. 28).

§26/10 multis modis miserabilis: not ni the Welsh text (HGK, 24. 16-17 = MPW,

§26/11 pervagari: the Welsh text adds yn orawenus 'gleefully' (HGK, 25. 2 =

MPW, 77. 7). §27

S$27-8 The episode of King Magnus and the death of Hugh was well known both in Welsh and Norse sources: see ByT (Pen. 20), 28a22-29b2 (= tr. 20.

33-21. 22); BuT (RB), 36. 21-38. 13; ByS, 88. 30-90. 27; Giraldus Cambrensis, Itinerarium Kambriae, II. 7 (p. 129); for a discussion of the Old Norse sources,

see Jesch, 'Norse historical traditions'; see also Cronica Regum Mannie, fol. 34v, for a brief notice.

76. 33-4).

§27/1 qua a Francis animadversa... contulerunt: the latter p a r tof this sentence has been rewritten ni the Welsh text, a phan welet honno, anhyfrydu a orug y

ut ni specubus subterraneis, locis palustribus, sylvis, lucis, agris incultis, cisternis, paludibus, ruderibus, ac rupibus locisque alis absconderet: a listing of hiding places for fugitive peoples is familiar from the Old Testament; cf.Judges 6.2, 1Samuel 13.6, and also Gildas, quin potius de ipsis montibus, speluncis ac saltibus, dumis

Ffreink ar Daenysseit bratwyr a dwyllessynt Ruffudd and when it was seen, the French and the Danes, the traitors who had deceived Gruffudd, became deiected' (HGK, 25. 7-8 = MPW, 77. 13-15). The Latin text has nothing about

consertis continue ebellabant (De Excidio, 20. i); a l i montanis collibus minacibus

that the dismay of the French and does not involve the Danes except to remark usual their to d resorte not French they would have been overco me had the

praeruptis vallatis et densissimis saltibus marinisque rupibus... (De Excidio, 25. i).


Francorum aliarumque externarum gentium metu: the Welsh text has rhag ofyn yr Iddewon, nit amgen, y Ffreink a chenedloedd ereill 'for fear of the Jews.

§27/4: this sentence has been heavily rewritten. Our understanding is not helped

namely the French and other peoples* (HGK, 24. 21-2 = MPW, 77.2-3). It si

not immediately clear why at this point the Jews are introduced in this way as all the analogies employed in this text would make the men of Gwynedd

analogous to the Jews. The allusion is probably New Testament; cf. propter metum ludaeorum 'because of fear of the Jews' (John 7.13, 19.38, 20.19) where it si used in the context of followers of Christ being persecuted by the Jews. The Welsh translator would seem then to be introducing a New Testament layer of allusion to a narrative mainly framed in Old Testament terms; cf. perhaps also

$19/1. After this sentence the Welsh text introduced another sentence, Kanys megys y dyweit dwywawl ymadrawdd: 'digwyddaw a orug y bobl hep tywyssawg' 'For as the Holy Word says: "the people fall without a leader" (HGK. 24. 23-4

= MPW, 77. 4-5). This si similar to the concluding sentence of the section on Gruffudd's imprisonment and the consequent suffering of the people where

by the inability to read v...d. spe (possibly vivida spe). The French trick the the threat of Welsh on Anglesey into making peace so that they can deal with the French that mean to seems t i t: difficul is clause the approaching fleet. The last The Welsh disaster. great did this so that future generations might forget the

translator has rewritten this clause and turned ti into another general comment about recollection of their suffering being handed down the generations, a allei dyfot ar gof yr' etifedd wedy y ryeni 'which could be remembered by descendants

after their forebears' (HGK, 25. 16-17 = MPW, 77. 26-7); cf. $18/9 where a

powerful phrase about the horror of civil war is replaced by a much more generalized phrase about the remembrance of suffering.





§28 The first two sentences are very difficult to read in places.

section which was illegible to the main scribe of our manuscript either

§28/1 Llychlin: only at this point is he called the king of Llychlin; later in the narrative his men are called Dani ($28/6-7 = Llychlynwyr (HGK, 26. 11-12, 17 = MPW, 78. 11-12, 19). In the Welsh text he is later identified as Magnws (HGK, 26. 24 = MPW, 78. 26), but nowhere is he named in the Latin text, though

Welsh version of this sentence differs in several respects: ynteu a ddigwyddws

there is a gap in the text (where the exemplar was illegible) corresponding to the point where he is named in the Welsh (§29/1).

contained something corresponding to yn ddigyffro or this section was also illegible to the Welsh translator and he made up something appropriate. The d'e ochrum y'r ddaear yn vwriedig ddieneit y ar y farch arfawg 'and he fell a humped back to the ground mortally wounded from his armed horse' (HGK,

26. 14-15 = MPW, 78. 14-16). The phrase o'e ochrum presumably means 'hunched-up'. There is nothing in the Latin about him falling from his horse,

though presumably he did so. The phrase licet armatus is emphasizing that, though fully armoured, he was still hit in the eye by the arrow.

singularis anima: this is uncertain; it has been heavily deleted in places but the manuscript seems to have singulari ama, and perhaps a suspension mark has been omitted above the standard abbreviation for anima (cf. $27/1 (p. 42, 1. 11of the manuscript) animadversa where anima- has likewise been abbreviated). It

has to be the subject of the verb dignata est, hence the emendation to singularis.

praessuris: the reading is uncertain, as ti has been heavilydeleted, and suggested with hesitation. What is visible is the abbreviation for prae-pre- followed by ss, then two or three unclear letters and a final s. The Welsh text has o'e trugaredd 'in his mercy' (HGK, 25. 19-20 = MPW, 77. 29) which refers to God and not to the suffering of the Welsh.

cum ferro luctatur: either he is struggling to pull the arrow out, which is

contradicted by the exanimatus, or he is ni his death throes. The Welsh text has dan ymffustyaw ar y arfeu 'beating upon his arms' (HGK, 26. 15 = MPW, 78. 16), which would imply the latter. The treatment of the death of Trahaearn ($18/12) is comparable, notably in the way it is rewritten in the Welsh version; see $18/12 and notes.

$28/9 quae totius orbis ultimae habentur: at this point the Welsh translator has added a translated quotation from Virgil, megys y dyfot Fiferyll bot y Brytanyeit

un ddieithredig un gubyl o'r holl vyt 'as Virgil said, "the Britons were entirely §28/2: The singular clamavit and the pronoun eam indicate that the subject is plebs carried over from the subordinate clause ni the preceding sentence. et Deus eam salvam fecit: the Welsh text hasa Duwag eu gwerendewis(HGK, 26. 1-2 = MPW, 77. 32). For this pattern of rewriting, see §21/3 above and the

separated from the whole world* (HGK, 26. 20-3 = MPW, 78. 22-4), corresponding to Virgil, Eclogues, .I 63, et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos. Cf. the comment ofOrderic Vitalis on the voyage of King Magnusaround Britain

(Ecclesiastical History, X, 222. 12-13; see also $5/8). On the Welsh translator's use of Virgil, see $23/17.

discussion there.

§28/3 per intrepretes: the Welsh text translates this by yeithydd 'interpreter' (sg.)

(HGK, 26. 2= MPW, 77. 33-4), but there is no need to assume that there is a language issue here; intrepres can mean 'someone who explains, expounds', and

in this context could simply mean 'guide'

§29 $29/1 aliqueFranci < > laetitiaperfusi: the gap in the text was filled byThelwall with ob discessum magni regis Norwegensium. The Welsh text hasyn llawen o

ymchwelyat magnws vrenhin 'joyous at the return of king Magnus* (HGK, 26.

23-4 = MPW, 78. 24). In the Latin text mention of Magnus may have been lost §28/6 ut ficus de arboribus: the use of the 4th declension plural ficus and the

in the illegible section of the exemplar.

negative connotations of the 'bad' fig suggests that this may well be a biblical echo; cf., in particular, Jeremiah 29.17 ecce mittam ni eis gladium e tfamem et

praedas: at this point the Welsh text (HGK, 26. 24-27. 1= MPW, 78. 27) has

pestem et ponam eos quasi ficus malas quae comedi non possunt eo quodpessimae sint (cf. also Nahum 3.12 omnes munitiones sicutificus ... cadent).

§28/7 rex e puppi sagittam < >: there is a gap in the manuscript text here which Thelwall filled with torquens. At this point the Welsh text has addedun ddigyffro 'unruffled' (HGK, 26. 12 = MPW, 78. 12). It is possible that the

them leading off the people of Gwynedd as well as their possessions

cantredorum Monae: the Welsh text has them transporting their plunder to the cantref of Rhos, hyty kantref Ros (HGK, 27. 1 = MPW, 78. 28), while in the Latin text he withdraws to a safer place on Anglesey.




sunt partiti: the Welsh text added that they sensibly counted them first, ag yna y

rhifwyt (HGK, 27. 2 = MPW, 78. 30). frumenta bovesque: translated in the Welsh text as ysgrubyl... a'e anrheith 'cattle and plunder' (HGK, 27. 2-3 = MPW, 78. 30). But ysgrybyl is intended to


78. 28) corresponding to $29/1 above, where Hugh takes his plunder off to Rhos. However, at this point the Latin text (§29/1) does not refer to Rhos but to cantrefi in Anglesey (see the discussion at $29/1). In fact, Anglesey would fit

well with the other evidence cited by Evans (HGK, 97, n. 27. 21).

translate frumenta and arheith boves. At HGK, 28. 7(corresponding ot VGC,

$31/2) anrheithieid 'possessions' (MPW, 79. 28) si used to render praedis. Evans (HGK, 96, n. 27. 3) suggests that anrheith can be used to refer to animals. GPC, s.v. anrhaith, quotes the latter passage from HGC, 150 (translated as 'possessions' (HGC, 151)) but, probably following HGK, 96, puts ti under the heading 2(b) 'farm animals, herds'. The present passage would support that interpretation.

§31 §31/1: Gruffudd's visit to Henry is probably to be dated to c.1100 or a little after; see HGK, 97-8. If the bishop of Bangor who intervenes on his behalf is Hervé (Erfyn in HGK, 28. 4-5 = MPW, 79. 25), then his visit must have been before 1109 when Herve was translated to Ely (HGK, 98, n. 28. 4-5). However, the Latin text does not mention the name o f the bishop of Bangor (that has

§29/2 prolixe: not in the Welsh version (HGK, 27. 6-7 = MPW, 78. 35).

amplissimum perfidiae praemium: not ni the Welsh version (HGK, 27. 8= MPW,

been added in the Welsh translation (HGK, 28. 4-5 = MPW, 79. 25)). Even so, the bishop in question is likely to be Hervé as after his departure in 1109 the see was not filled until 1120 when David the Scot (who was present at Gruffudd's

79. 2).

deathbed ($35/1 below)) became bishop; see Richter, Giraldus Cambrensis, 30-1.

§2913 ut fidelis infidelibus, ut illuddivinum confirmare: the author probably had in mind St Paul's Letter to the Corinthians where the phrase occurs several times; cf. 2 Corinthians 6.15, quae autem conventio Christi ad Belial aut quae pars fideli cum infidele? Another passage perhaps further implies the linguistic differences between the French and the Danes: 1Corinthians 14.22, taque linguae

vitam: presumably this means that Henry granted him the resources or where-

in signum sunt non fidelibus sed infidelibus, prophetia autem non infidelibussed

fidelibus. The overall implication seems to be that theexchange will end badly. $2914 obeses: the Welsh text has gormessaw 'troublesome (HGK, 27. 1 = MPW, 79. 5), but Evans (HGK, 97, n. 27. 11) suggests that gormessawI might mean 'repulsive', which would be closer to obeses. §29/5 mancipiorum squalentem catervam; this vivid phrase was not translated in

withal for living. The Welsh text at this point has rubuchet 'good-will (HGK, 28. 3= MPW, 79. 24). §31/2: on the granting of lands to Gruffudd by Henry I, see R. R. Davies, 'Henry I and Wales', 138-40. §31/3 qui deponit potentes de firmis suis sedibus ... eundem ad honores evehit: parts of this have been heavily deleted and altered a n dare thus difficult to read. The alterations in the Welsh text seem to be stylistic rather than substantive (see HGK, 28. 9-12 = MPW, 79. 31-80. 1). The author may have had the words of the Magnificat (Luke 1.52-3) in mind and then elaborated upon it: deposuitpotentes de sede et exaltavit humiles, esurientes implevit bonis et divites dimisit inanes.

the Welsh text.

alios morte: not in the Welsh version (HGK, 27. 15 = MPW, 79. 9-10) $29/6 ni exilio perpetuo: on the notion of exile in VGC and HGK, see Lewis, 'Gruffudd ap Cynan and exile'

§31/8: The Welsh version makes more explicit the return of the people from exile which is implicit in the Latin text with the analogy of the Israelites

returning from captivity in Bablyon, a dwyn a wnaeth y holl giwdawt o amrafael alltudedd,y rhei a aethoeddynty alltudedd o'r ymlitfa a ddywetpwvt uchot 'and

he brought all his people from exile in various parts, those who had gone into

exile from hte pursuit mentioned above' (HGK, 28. 21-3 = MPW, 80. 12-14). $30

§30/3 in illo cantredo: the location of this cantref is not stated here or in the

Welsh text (HGK, 27. 21). In our text Thelwall added de Rossia, i.e. Rhos, presumably on the basis of what the Welsh text says at HGK, 27. 1=( MPW,

§32 §32/1 Comes: Henry's attack on north Wales i sdated according to the Brutiau

to 1114, by which time the earl of Chester is Hugh's son, Richard. Hugh had




died in 1101; see HGK, p. cxxiii, 90, n. 29. 1; Harris, History of the County of Cheshire, II, .1 See ByT (Pen. 20), 58a19-62a6=( tr. 37. 5-38. 38); ByT (RB),


§32/10 Comites: the Welsh text makes this refer specifically to the earls of

78. 1-82. ;6 ByS, 120. 13-122. 31.

Chester (HGK, 29. 24 = MPW, 81. 14), presumably father and son, Hugh and Richard, but the Latin text simply has comites, thus including the earls of

§32/2: maximos sumptus: the words have been heavily deleted and the reading is

Gruffudd; see $16/2.

Shrewsbury, Hereford and Rhuddlan who have also been involved ni attacking

uncertain, particulary the ending of maximos. §32/11: this sentence was omitted in some of the fair copies made of this text

erogando: the manuscript reads erogand without an ending; it is possible that it was unclear in the exemplar. Elsewhere in this text the ablative of the gerund is regularly used in the function of a present participle, for example, $$5/6 mactando

and provides a useful diagnostic feature for fixing the relationship of the descendantsof Peniarth 434; see the Introduction, pp. 11-12.

fugandoque, 12/8 irruendo, 23/13 pugnando, 29/6 muletando, 35/2 bendicendo, and that has been restored here. The Welsh version of this sentence differs in


several respects; Henry pays money to horsem*n and foot-soldiers, y farchogyon

§33/1 exantlatos: a relatively rare word; cf. DMLBS s.v. exantlare. It generally

a phedit (HGK, 29. 4 = MPW, 80. 22), which do not figure ni the Latin text

seems to mean 'draw out, drain out'.

except by implication. He also brings the king of Scotland et al. with him, a dwyn ganthaw vrenhin Yskotlont . . . (HGK, 29. 4-5 = MPW, 80. 22-4). This is a

Welsh translator who replaced it with a simple timephrase, A gwedyhynny 'And

misunderstanding of the Latin erogando et in regem Scotiae; erogare + in (with acc.) si a technical term meaning t'o pay someone out of the public purse'. For this ransacking of the treasuries to fund an expedition, perhaps cf. Antiochus at 1 Macc. 3.28; is there an implicit aligning of Henry with Antiochus? At $26/1 Antiochus is used as an explicit model for Hugh of Chester.

§32/3 positis castris intra murata castella: see the discussion above at $25/3.

The verb may have been unfamiliar to the

after that' (HGK, 30. 3= MPW, 81. 20). arbores plantare, pomaria, hortos . . . : The general gist of this passage may be

that the Welsh were not the primitive pastoral barbarians as portrayed by some Anglo-Norman writers from the 1120s onwards; cf. the note on Romanorum more below. Note also the comment about Gwynedd by Giraldus Cambrensis to the contrary: non pomeris utuntur, non hortis. Utrorumque tamen fructibus, eis aliunde porrectis, libenter vasci solent. Agris igitur plurimum utuntur pascuis, parumcultis, floridis parce, consitis parcissime(Descriptio Kambriae, .I 17)

§3214 nivosi montis: this may be an etymological acknowledgement of its English name 'Snowdon'

§33/2 stagnis: not in the Welsh version (HGK, 30. 12 = MPW, 81. 31-2).

§3217 transacto temporis perbrevi spacio: this episode seems to the one related in the Brutiau for 1121; see ByT (Pen. 20), 79b1-80a13=( tr. 47. 36-48. 10); ByT (RB), 104. 24-106. 2; ByS, 138. 26-140. 7; see also HGK, p. cexxiii.

edificia: ni the Welsh text they are 'walled buildings', adeiladeu murddin (HGK, 30. 13 = MPW, 81. 32), presumably meaning buildings with wallsaround the

in ore gladit: a well established Old Testament phrase: Exod. 17.13, Num. 21.24, Deut. 13.15, 20.13, 17, Joshua 6.21, 10.30, 32, 35, 37, 40, Judges 1.8, 25, 4.15,

153732037 4Samuel d58. 2219: 2Samuel sa be indick 7402 lice 1Mace.

outside to protect them.

fructus: the Welsh text has frwythew y ddaear 'fruits of the earth' (HGK, 30. 13-14 = MPW, 81. 33).

Romanorum more ni usum colligere: this probably carries an implication of

Welsh as yg geneu y kleddyf (HGK, 29. 16). It is unlikely that the phrase would have been used in the Welsh had it not been translated from the Latin; GPC

sophisticated agriculture. More specifically, it could mean t o gather in and

records no other examples o f the phrase in Welsh.

reference to Roman farming methods as described in, for example, Cato's De

§32/8 Verum: the Welsh text adds at this point A phann glywythynny (HGK, 29. 16 = MPW, 81. 4) which has no correspondence ni the Latin text, though ti looks as if ti might translate something like quo audito or quibusauditis.

store for later use', so that they can live off the produce and be self-sufficient, a Agricultura, Varro's De re rustica, Columella, Virgil's Georgics. However, the phrase ni usum can mean 'for profit', and it may imply the development of a more sophisticated economic infrastructure where surplus produce could be

sold at market. Alternatively, ti might refer to the Roman custom of taxing





produce, which would arise naturally from the latter explanation. The notes in



HGK are silent on this. The Welsh text simply has ymborth 'live on' (HGK, 30. 13 = MPW, 81. 32).

§34/1 in secretiorem quendam locum secedere: for the language we may compare

§33/3 quae ...: another example of a clear relative clause in the Latin being the Welsh it is turned into a separate clause referring to courts and feasts and then it goes off on another tangent about the honour and status of courts: ag

§34/2 Ezechias: this is a curious analogy; the example of Jacob the patriarch used at $35/2 would better fit the context. This sentence a n d$35/2 act almost as doublets. For the account of Hezechiah, see 2Chronicles 29-32; for his wealth and his building works, see 2Chronicles 32.27-9, Isaiah 39.2. For the account

adeiladoedd y lyssoedd a gwleddeu yn wastad yn anrhydeddus 'and he held his

of his extended life, see Isaiah 38.1 where, after much weeping and lamentation,

courts and feasts always honourably' (HGK, 30. 16 = MPW, 81. 35-82. 1).

his life was extended by fifteen years. The reference to Hezechiah fits reasonably well with the following section about the distribution of Gruffudd's

confused in the Welsh translation. The quae can only refer to the palatia, but ni

Luke 5.16, ipse autem secedebat ni deserto et orabat.

§33/4 quid vero eflueret?: the rhetorical question is omitted from the Welsh text

wealth, and with the account in the previous section ($33/2) of G r u ff u d d

(HGK, 30. 14 = MPW, 81. 34).

establishing the agricultural infrastructure of Gwynedd. Furthermore, it can also be seen as a continuation of the general analogy between Gruffudd's exploits and the house of David. However, as with many of the biblical

$33/5: a difficult sentence. The text is uncertain as the main verb seems to be missing, probably lost in the gap after splendere, but it may have been videbatur

analogies in this text they cannot be pushed too far. Hezechiah is also used as

or visa est. There seems to be an analogy being drawn between the churches

the paradigm of the good king who is succeeded by a bad son, Manasseh; it is

and dedications of Gwynedd on the one hand and stars in the firmament on

reasonable to assume that the a u t h o r would not have wished that i m p l i c a t i o n to

the other. Are the churches like stars in the firmament of Gwynedd, or are the

be followed through

dedications like stars in the fi r m a m e n t of the churches?

§34/3: for other examples of a king on his deathbed distributing his wealth, cf. ecclesis: the Welsh text has egleysseu kalcheit with lime-washed churches' (HGK, 30. 17-18 = MPW, 82. 2), perhaps intended to emphasize the notion of gleaming churches. Cf. HGK, 104, n. 30. 17-18, where Evans draws attention to the line of Llywelyn Fardd in Canu Cadfan (CBT, II, 1), eglwys wenn wyngalch wynhaed; it has been emended in CBT, I, 1, 1. 34, to read eglwys wenn wyngalch

walch wynhaed 'a white, bright-chalk church, finely whitened' in order to achieve the correct number of syllables (cf. also other suggestions, CBT, I, p. 27, n. 34). It is tempting to wonder whether the Welsh translator was familiar with the poem of Llywelyn Fardd.

Einhard, Vita Karoli Magni, §33; Suger, Vie de Louis VI, 274 6. §34/5: this sentence has the feel of an afterthought.

The text seems to be

running from the bigger legacies to the smaller. fI so, then the legacy to Bangor, which is the biggest, is in the wrong place. $34/6: there is a difference in order of the churches who were to receive ten pieces of silver: the Welsh text has Llanarmon and Dinerth at the end. In

geographical terms, both lists begin in Anglesey (Caergybi and Penmon), the Latin text then moves to Is Conwy (Llanarmon and Dinerth), and then to

dedicationibus: under the deletion the manuscript seems to read didioeibus, and

Uwch Conwy (Clynnog and Enlli), and finally to Pows (Meifod). The Welsh

the restored reading assumes a lost suspension mark and some misread letters.

text moves in an are from Anglesey to Uwch Conwy to Powys and then finally

prepositos coll| Ivelit: the text is uncertain, but the first word is almost certainly

some significance to this or it may have just been a copying error in the

north to Is Conwy (HGK, 31. 20-32. 2 = MPW, 82. 33-83. 1). There may be the noun prepositi 'overseer' and has been restored as such.

The latter looks

translation; that is, the translator mistakenly omitted Llanarmon and Dinerth

m o r e like a verb.

and then added them at the end. On the other hand, fi Clynnog can be associated with the Welsh version, its promotion in the list may be significant

quasi < >: in the Welsh text the simile is mal mur agkyffroedig like an

(see the Introduction, pp. 43-4).

immovable wall' (HGK, 30. 23 = MPW, 82. 9) and it is likely that the Latin text

had something similar but ti was illegible to the main scribe.

§34/7: This sentence is difficult to read because the Welsh text has undergone some major rewriting in order to turn the sentence into a first person




commendation to the Holy Spirit, y daoedd hynny a gymynnaf i y amddiffyn yr Yspryt Glan 'these goods do I commend to the protection of the Holy Spirit'


appropriate; James is referring to anointment by oil as a means of healing, while the context h e r e h a s to d o w i t h G r u f f u d d ' s d e a t h

(HGK, 32. 5-6 = MPW, 83. 4 -5). Haec: this was deleted and Bona illa added at the end of the line by Thelwall to clarify the referent, i.e. the legacies.

episcopis, archidiaconis: in the Welsh text, these are singular, y esgob ag archddiagon (HGK, 32. 3-4 = MPW, 83. 2), perhaps intended to refer to David, bishop of Bangor, and the archdeacon Simeon mentioned below in §35/1.

$35/2: this is in some respects a m o r edetailed doubletof the passage at $34/2. quae illis olim eventura essent, ad similitudinem lacobi patriarchae: for the reference to Jacob the patriarch and his prophecies to his sons, see Genesis 49. The words here seem to be an echo of the biblicalwords at Genesis 49.1: quae ventura sunt vobis diebus novissimis. postremis suis temporibus: the Welsh text has n y ddiwedd ddvddyeu 'in his day'

(HGK, 32. 18 = MPW, 83. 29); Evans (HGK, 107, n. 32. 18) suspects that something is wrong and wonders whether ddiwedd is a misunderstanding of

§35 On Gruffudd's death, see ByT (Pen. 20), 88a7-b12=( tr.

52. 9-19); ByT (RB),

116. 3-12; ByS, 146. 8-9. §35/1 Simeon archidiaconus: in the Welsh text he is further described as gwr addfet o oet a doethinap 'a man mature in years and wisdom' (HGK, 32. 10 = MPW, 83. 9-10); see following note.

diewed, an early plural of dydd. However, postremis suis temporibus shows that the Welsh is not in error (though it may be a cumbersome translation). It is likely that the Latin phrase is an attempt (but possibly mistaken) to render the Latin of Genesis 49.1 diebus novissimis (see note above) which in i t scontext seems to mean 'in days to come'. §35/3 cum porticibus Abermenev: this seems to mean the harbour of Abermenai (cf. HGK, 32. 20 porthloedd) and presumably the dues from it. But Latin

prior Monasterii Cestriae hom*o et doctrina et sapientia insignis: the reference is

porticus usually means 'colonnade, portico', and ti is possible that theauthor

presumably to the Abbey of St Werburgh (HGK, 107, n. 32. 10-11), the same institution as was mentioned above at $34/4 as receiving a legacy of 20 solidi. The presence of a representative of St Werburgh's may not be surprising; in 1093 Earl Hugh made a number of grants to St Werburgh'sof land and rights

has mistaken the word.

in Anglesey and Rhos: two manors ni Anglesey, one in Rhos, the tithe of the

$35/4-9. For this section, see Plate 5. §35/4 filiorum nonnulli: since Gruffudd's sons have already been mentioned

fisheries of Rhuddlan and Anglesey, and the right to have engaged in Anglesey

($35/2), these are probably the sons of his daughters alive ni 1137 (for whom,

a ship carrying ten nets (Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, II, 386; Lloyd, History of Wales, 392). The eulogistic phrase about the prior is omitted ni the Welsh text (HGK, 32. 1 = MPW, 83. 10), though something similar is said of

see Maund, Ireland, Wales and England, 91 (fig. 51)).

The Welsh translator

one direction or the other. It is not known who the prior of the monastery of

attempted, but failed, to clarify matters by rendering filiorum nonnulli with neieint 'nephews' (HGK, 32. 21 = MPW, 83.33). There are twopossible ways of accounting for this: first, Welsh nai seems originally to have meant 'grandson' (Charles-Edwards, 'Some Celtic kinship terms'), and it is perhaps possible that

Chester was in 1137. Given the sizeable legacy and that there was an abbot at this time, namely William, who was elected in 1121 and died in 1140, it is

neieint here preserves the original meaning, but it would be an implausibly unique survival. Alternatively, and more likely, the error is Latinate. If the

perhaps curious that the prior was sent to the deathbed of Gruffudd; on William, see Annales Cestrienses, I, xxvi, 18, 20; The Chartulary or Register of

translator thought that filiorum nonnulli were 'grandsons', that ni Latin would be nepotes which can, however, also mean 'nephews', and he mistranslated ti as

the Abbey of St. Werburgh, ,I xxvi; Kettle, The Abbey of Chester', 144; Knowles

neieint rather than wyr.

Simeon of Clynnog. It is possible that the description has been transposed in

et al., Heads of Religious Houses, 39. Gruffudd's legacy si not mentioned in Kettle, 'The Abbey of Chester'.

iuxta praeceptum lacobi Apostoli: see James 5.14 et orent super eum unguentes cum oleo in nomine Domini. Again the biblical reference is not entirely

$35/5 Iosue filium Nun: see Joshua 23 4 and, for his death, Joshua 24.29, where there is no reference to mourning. On the other hand, we might compare the wording of the lamentation after thedeath of ludas Maccabaeus 1( Macc. 9.20): et fleverunt eum omnis populus I s r a e l planctu magno e tluebant dies multos.

Appendix 1

The orthography of the Welsh names in Vita Griffini fili Conani The material is gathered ni phonemic groups, front and mid-vowels, diphthongs, labio-dental fricatives, dentals and dental fricatives and gutturals. For discussion,

see the Introduction, pp. 34-5. For the modeof presentation and an explanation of the focus on certain areas of the sound system, see, for example, CharlesEdwards and Russell, 'The Hendregadredd manuscript', 420-5. Note that, where it is unclear which segment of the word is under consideration, it is underlined. Distinction between final and internal consonants is sometimes

difficult to maintain, especially when a Welsh name has been Latinized by the addition of a Latin ending. Names have only been taken from the base text of

Peniarth 434 itself; no use has been made of the supplementary text from C o t t o n Vitellius C.ix. /al

lil i





Cynani 2/1, 3/1, 7/1

is coet 17/9

Evyonid 23/10

A l k w m 2/1

Prydein 2/1 Dyvynarthi 2/2

H i r22/1 Enlli 34/6

Nevin 23/9

Olbiwch 11/1

Lydaw 5/10 Kynwricus 10/1 Lywarch 11/2 Kelvnnawk 12/1

Gwrganum 11/3 erw 12/6, 14/12

Meirionyth 21/1

Llwchgarmaw[n] 14/11

Dyffryn 23/10

D y l a d 12/4

Bleddyn 26/9

Kyning 12/6

Eivionyd 31/2

Kyndelo 18/1

Theodvr 17/2 Morgannve 17/9

Rivedeti 2/1

Kyndelo 18/1

Kelliniawe 14/5





Rvc 19/2

vch 17/8





Dinieuyt 23/9

vawr 14/5




Rivedeti 2/1

f Sandef 23/2

Av a l l a c h 2/1

Arvon 21/2, 23/10 lail a u



Anarauti 2/1 Kelvnnauk 12/1

Meurik 1/2 Gwrgeneu 16/2

Dyndaythwy 2/1

Edenyved 22/7 Nevin 23/9

Evyonid 23/10 Eivionyd 31/2

Ayre 22/2

Cloff 2/1

Dyffryn 23/10

Meivot 34/4 a e

Tegwan 2/1

Gwaeterw 12/6

Cadwallawn 2/1 (cf. 26/5) Einiawn 2/1 Godebawc 2/1


Meirchiawn 2/1

Lydaw 5/10 Meiriawn 10/3 vawr 14/5

Gwrvat 2/1 Gwaet(erw) 13/6


Coet 14/7 Dinieurt 23/9

Ederni 2/1 Rhodri 2/1

But cf. also Rhiwallon 10/2, Cadwallon 24/3



Abermeney 10/1, 12/1, 14/11

Rivedeti 2/1 Keritus 14/8

Llwyt 14/7

LIwchgarmaw[n] 14/11



Guidawc 2/1

Einiawn 2/1

Tangwystl 11/1 Gollwynus 14/5 Llwyd 14/17 LIwyt 14/17

Meivot 34/7

laial ea

Ardudwy 15/4, 31/2

Trahearn 10/2

Theodvr 17/2

Edenyved 22/7

Edenyved 22/7

Iwyd 14/6


Aberdaron 22/10


Dyndaythwy 2/1

G o d e b a w c 2/1 C a r a d o c i 10/2

Porth Cleys 17/1 ei

Cadwaleder(i) 2/1, 24/3

Clwyt 23/10 Angharat 24/1

Trahaern(i) 12/7, 14/2.

Cadwgan 26/9

18/2, 18/18 M e i r i a w n 10/3

Seisill 11/2 Meirianus 19/1 Meivot 34/4

LIwyn 14/17 Ardudwy 15/4 et passim

CIwyt 23/10


-/§/ d



Trahaearn 17/9

Cunedae 2/1 Rivedeti 2/1 Rudlan 10/5

Evvonid 23/10 Penkerd 23/26

Kyndelo 18/1 Hodni 22/4

Arllechwed 31/2

Merwyd 10/3, 14/4, 22/7




Rutlan 16/2

Meredith 26/5 Meirionyth 21/1


Bleddyn 12/4, 26/9


Cuneddae 2/1

Merwydd 12/1,

Appendix 2





Caercybi 34/7

Kelliniawc 14/5 Llienawc 23/15


Gelynnawc 34/7

Gwrganum 11/3

Gwrgeneu 14/3, 16/2

/gwlgy G e n t a 17/8

Names of countries and nationalities in Vita Griffini filii Conani

gw Gwaeterw 12/6


Names for countries and nationalities are listed in regional order. References

Meuri k 2/1

are to the chapter and sentence of the text. Italicized references refer to the

Kelynnauk 12/1

supplementary sections of text from Cotton Vitellius C.ix. Wa l e s

Cambria Cambri Cambr ice (adv.) Wa l l i a

10/1, 10/2, 23/17

8/3, 15/7, 17/2 (australes), 25/4, 26/1, 2714, 32/2 (australes), 35/5 412, 1216 22/4

Wa l l i


Wallice (adv.)


Areas w i t h i n Wa l e s

Ardudwy Arllechwed Arvon

Arvon ia

Arvonensis Arwystli Arwistlensis

15/4, 2216, 23/10, 31/2 31/2

21/2, 23/10 1013, 12/5, 14/6, 15/4, 15/5 12/4 17/9 18/18

Dyffryn Clwyt


Edeirn ion


Edernensis Eivionyd Evionydd

22/1 31/2 14/4





Evyonid L le y n





1/1, 5/12, 12/5, 13/1, 16/4, 25/1, 31/1, 32/1, 3216, 33/1 25/6,2517, 25/9

Llino Liven




15/4, 15/5, 16/2


16/4, 17/9

Llyn Meirionyth Merioneth



13/1, 19/2, 21/1, 22/6, 22/9, 23/4, 23/7, 23/12, 23/15, 25/1, 25/8, 25/9, 26/7, 26/8 (bis), 26/10,


14/1, 23/9, 23/10, 31/2

21/2 12/6, 15/4

4/2, 1013, 1212, 12/5, 14/5, 14/6, 14/9, 15/5, 15/6, 21/2, 22/2, 23/4, 23/11, 23/15 (tris), 28/1, 31/6

Monensis Powisia Powisenses


Tegenglia Venedotia

14/11, 18/1

14/2, 14/3, 16/2, 18/19, 26/4, 32/11 12/1

23/10, 31/5 12/2

4/2, 10/2, 12/5, 12/8 (bis), 1412, 16/1, 16/4,

18/20, 22/8, 23/14 (bis), 25/1, 26/4, 31/7, 31/8, 33/2, 33/5 Ireland


11/, 5/5, 5/6, 5/8, 5/8, 6/1, 6/6, 9/2, 13/4, 14/11, 15/1, 17/1, 22/3, 22/10, 23/17, 26/5, 26/9,28/9, 29/5, 30/1, 33/1, 34/4

Hibernus Hyberni

Angli a

2715, 28/4, 28/6, 28/8, 29/1

Britannia Britanni

2 8 / 9(Britain)

Britannius Britannia

8/1 ( B r i t i s h )

Lydaw Dania

Dani Danmarci


5 / 1 0(Brittany) 5/10

412, 5/1, 5/3, 5/8 (leg. Ionia? see note), 15/6

53/, 1512, 18/1, 18/7, 27/1, 28/6, 28/8, 29/2, 29/4, 35/5 14/6



Northwegia insulae Daniae



5/9 (bis)


518, 23/1, 23/17, 33/1

1/1, 14/1, 14/6, 14/9, 15/2, 17/1, 18/1, 18/7,


519, 13/3 5/9, 5/12


mare Tyrrhenum




Hybernice (adv.) Provinces of I r e l a n d Innen

6/2 (leg. Muen)





Other countries Scotia Scoti Golowidia


4/1 (HGK, Prydein) 32/2

4/2 4/2



opt, arroit

винагові обто д /1 і джодит.

1 omino Dans illi obincit



lavo milito? ammalot A l

Coremarik a ba miss

Plate 1 Penarth MS 434, p. 13.

Reproduced by permission of the National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth.

inulla: GH)

pertain t his. rivatidelate;


files Briti Oth

ove refusalas m

toot of i ttoad

. g , si hirwond wom a il w i t wi n ei ewm rade


, Yrola mon.

інанокод3 с

подо ні Савогів ресто ,Whypdi Raghes)

ро/ді вего длн заугоо линадатни Rums

торгав Дно

Plate 3 Peniarth MS 434, p. 27.

Reproduced by permission of the National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth.

Plate 2 Peniarth MS 434, p. 24.

Reproduced by permission of the National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth.

sisters pofsens








мідора інобоноди,



Гидобля :

ch or to rm la anx

ift, e rag via Dipopi r a t . A92086

Av e r

, 77orant.


38 o


alla A miss



has manriaet not 36 sipantão dais napolo no/ ho Bti undo ni oncdses conspirit, paolago Andgio rietn,

Condida t

nE riskat.

a rognosiont іржадіто, 16105

mansitino 6300 Conseles

Comcial Smeli

Dong An

Plate 4 Peniarth MS 434,p . 40.

Reproduced by permission ofthe National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth.

Plate 5 Peniarth MS434, p. 54. Reproduced by permission ofthe National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth.

Do algo harpie got masit

i ncffolsa. S a l e

ni b o r r a alima

R nerefRipproditio franidon negnat nb initu. inferdo frageve E ary Fegié infidecié popufue Iraekiticus @ench e i ni mam m

ir ch danc. MaccafelSegem as t r i n i fiR u Gradidenfi sotro 35+aGo

"CinE CRATqui sonfinnie SERiE onEF ferrario fi6i fabusgaraf, a PratonibusZomanio ni ipfo Epifolio Domano prodifione, ar.

L a foriati

pugionibne refodifur, E i t h u r u G t i a m ;

7 6 g R f o fi n e Dorifamie

n Teo pronobició,tf fama miguam informorifinaSiguE,SuoderinPiRa Bella confra Gagon té as +Distos gefE; t u quovio spromo !


Phoge Fugafule trat,te proditione,in tinitaft strugd sof, queeetithle i n y t 9 8 , h a i t a m r o t n i a . |c f m veliquif,de @Yugonifu

Modifora horaoppre Pribut prenal Dignat ppple, ni nut l viden vellfert pofuerunf

Сть са міннивтиі завісний африе но, є рообіконівий офри рон Argibut,Drincipifn/es «bdiem artvbi/hine sonque fue, sftonit

i a ma t p a v a fi ó , ut6u/c )16st/Ya

до жонвгом. дов

G Demitar

ив убоне, жено ніссй reperif,


Silita Приятой чотив дуатисів,

fi friginfa mabibue sosibut arguis Pene, D andito s t a ( l e Vegine novotatia, i



Calait Bomb 200072


каnвe ринобо (истанZквrиaеß,a tмrиiрnиoтьDomi шанс

pares whor

quiòs gemina G r i A i n o apprimenoo nErovw: Sins mala, ie Ango Com

16,105 366erfico ed Quitan,Queria

Borfandia Cometiquenita

c h a k

Malifer -

Hond vales demasi

P his , ofphi nBon


Plate 7 Cotton MS, Vitellius C.ix, fol. 136v. Reproduced by permission of the British Library, London.


Plate 6 Peniarth MS 256, f o l . 16г.

Reproduced by permission of the National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth.

nogofer polina, .

soro Pisvis no familia sos al

Appendix 3 DEbi

probbef someisio


g l e n mason

En,alach Kanter Wrund... apforions zefe Ziginebrbergafene a Diftem ima preno midorió grond sumom i c a s Penteula,.

The fair copy of Peniarth 434 ni BL, Cotton MS, Vitellius C.ix, fols. 133 -143v

The text presented below is in the hand of Maurice Kyffin who acted as a Welsh


amanuensis for Dr John Dee (see Introduction, p. 10). The text is printed as in

Gabibif fanGog

don konged orwni

the manuscript; bold and italic sections correspond to sections written in a heavier lettering and a more italic style respectively. Most of the personal e f o b n

sober jobere.

ibi if potentferfing,

ha be tif .

r Heboyd, ro Troctinue,

names and place names have been underlined, probably by a later annotator; the underlining is not indicated in the notes. The notes indicate annotations, corrections or glosses, and other points of interest. The paragraph division corresponds to that of the main edition above. The manuscript was singed in the Cottonian fire of 2 3 October 1731. The damage only affected the text of t h e

top outer corner of the pages, and the losso f text wasslight, at most a couple of words per page: on the verso the text can usually be restored from the catchword at the bottom of the preceding page, and on the recto the text has been restoredf r o m Penarth 276, which wascopied from this manuscript before 1731. For detailed discussion of the manuscript and its relationship toPeniarth

434 and to the other later Latin versions, see the Introduction, pp. 10-15. For an image of fol. 136v, seeP l a t e .7

Plate 8 Oxford, Merton College MS 323, fol. 6r. Reproduced by permission ofT h e Warden and Fellows of Merton College, Oxford.



[fol. 133rl

'Vita Griffini filij? Conani, Regis Venedotiae Vel Northwalliae §1

Cum in Anglia regaret Edwardus (dictus Confessor) et apud Hybernes Therdelachus Rex; nascitur ni Hybernia, apud civitatem Dublinensem Gruffinus Rex Venedotiae, nutriturque in loco Comoti Colomkell, dicto Hybernice Swrth Colomkelle* per tria miliaria distante a domo suorum parentum.

§2 Eius pater Cynanus erat rex Venedotiae, mater vero Racella, filia Auloedi regis Dublini civitatis, ac quintae partis Hyberniae; prosapia quidem quam nobili ac

regia oriundisS erat Gruffinus, cum paterna, tum materna, quemadmodum genealogiae recto ordine a parentibus deductae monstrant, quarum series s e q u i t u r.



Locrini, fil. Bruti ducis Romani, fil. Sylvi, fil. Ascanij, fil. Aeneae ysgwydwyn, .i.humeri candidi, fil. Anchisis, fil. Capis, fil. Assaraci, fil. Trois, fil. Erictonij, fil. Dardani, fil. [fol. 133v] Jovis, fil.& Saturni, fil. Coelij fil. Creti, fil. Cyprij, fil. Javan,' fil. Japhet, 91 fil. Noe, fil. Lamech, fil. Mathusalem, fil. Enoch, fil. Javet, fil. Mahaleel, fil. Cainan, fil. Enos, fil. Seth, fil. Adae, fil. Dei. §4 Nobilitas Griffini ex stirpe materna deducitur sic: Griffinus Rex filius Racellae,

filiae Auloedi Regis Dubliniae, et quintae partis Hyberniae ac Insulae Mevaniae vel Mannae, qui Olim e Scotia genus ducebat, et Rex nuncupabatur aliarum complurium insularum et regionum ut Dania, Galovidiae, Arran in occidentali

Hyberniae mari, Monae, et Venedotiae, v i castellum (dictum Castellum Auloed) fossa et muro quam munitissimum construxit, cuius rudera apparent, et vocabaturCastellum Auloedi, quamvis Cambrice appelletur Bon y Dom. Auloed iste fuit filius Sutrici regis, fil. Auloed regis Cirian, fil. Sutrici, fil. Auloed regis fil. Harfa*geri Regis qui filius fuerat Regis Daniae.!!

Siquidem Griffinus filius fuit Cynan filij Jacobi, filij Idwali, filij Elissae, filli Meurick, filij Anarawti, fil. Roderi magni, fil. 6 Essyldis, quae fuit filia Cynani

de Castro Dyndaythwy, fil. Idwali Dyre (i. Capriae), fi.l Cadwaladeri Benedicti, fil. Cadwallani? Longimani, fil. Eniani Yrth, fil. Cuneddae regis, fil. Ederni, fil. Paterni vestis ceruleae, fil. Tageti, fil. Jacobi, fil. Guidauci, fil. Keni, fil. Caini, fil. Gorgaini, fil. Doli, fil. Gurdoli, fil. Dwyn, fil. Gordwvyn, fil. Anwerit, fil. Onnet, fil. Diawng, fil. Brychweni, fil. Yweni, fil. Avallach, fil. Avlech, fil. Beli Magni. At rursum Rhodericus Magnus fuit filius Mervyn Vrych, i.

versicoloris, filij Gwryat, fil. Elideri, fil. Sandef, fil. Alkwm, fil. Tagiti, fil. Gwen, fil. Dwe, fil. Llywarch senioris, fil. Elidir Ilydanwyn (.i. lati candidi), filii

Meirchiani Macri, fil. Gorwst lledlwm (i. subnudi), filij Keneu, fil. Coeli Godebawc, fil. Tegvani claudi, fil. Deheweint, fil. Urban, fil. Gradi, fil. Rivedeli, fil. Rydeyrni, fil. Endeyrni, fil. Endiganti, fil. Endos, fil. Endolei, fil. Avallach, fil. Aflech, fil. Beli magni. fil. Manogani, fil. Eneit, fil. Kyrwyt, fil. Crydoni, fil. Dyvynarthi, fil. Prydein, fil. Aet magni, fil. Antonij, fil. Seirioel, fil. Gurwsti, fil. Riwalloni, fil. Regatae, filiae Lyri, fil. Rudi, filli Bladudi, fil. Llywelit, fil. Bruti humeri candidi, fil. Eboraci, fil. Membrici, fil. Madauci, fil.


Animadversione h o dignum est fuisse Haraldum, Haraldum Harfa*gyr, e tsuos binos fratres filios regis Norvegiae, cuius fratrem Alanum Regem et religionis sanctitate, et virtutis gloria inter Danos praestantem, Twr quidam Princes inter preliandum interfecit. At dum spolia illi detraheret, ac precipue collo torquem aureum ponderis gravissimi (quo ornamenti genere reges nobilesque tum utebantur) extorqueret, adhaesit manibus torques genuaque defixa ventri

iungebantur. Atque hoc fuit primum, quo eum miraculo ornaverat Deus. Deinceps vero Dani eum Divorum numero adscripserunt, et honoribus sunt

persecuti non modicis, adeo ut templa ad eius nominis gloriam erigerent, ac per Daniam cultus ei perficerent, maxime vero nautae illum continuo invocabant, sacrificia donaque alia illi offerentes, si quando inter navigandum ni pericula inciderent. Caeterum qui illum occidit princeps, post hoc facinus Thurkiawl est

appellatus, qui tantae innocentiae regem peremisset. Neque hoc praetereundum videtur, tres istos fratres mari longe lateque perlustrassecum classe regio more

instructissima, ac tandem in Hyberniam pervenisse. Verum non multo antea Haraldus Harfa*gyr exercitum ducens copiosum eam erat ingressus, totamque

Vita Griffini Regis Venedoti(ae a Thelwello] Iurisperito ni Latinum conversa added ni top margin ni

Hyberniam pertransierat summa crudelitate incolas mactando fugandoque, sic

a later hand. Text in I I lost in burnt corner of page but added from NLW, Llanstephan MS, 150, a

maximam eius partem sibi subiugarat.

Ipse vero civitatem Dublinensem

copyo fthis manuscript.

2 Added in small handabove with insertion mark after Griffini.

3 Sic. 4 Final e uncertain. 5 Sic.

6 fi.l Idwali added ni right margin ni a later hand with no location mark. In comparison with the Welsh text and later Latin versions the following is missing: fil. Catmani, fil. lacobi, fil. Beli, fil. Runi, fil. Maglocuni, fil. Caswallani.

lovis, fil. lost ni burnt corner of page but restoredfrom catchword at the bottom of the preceding page.

an lost in burnt corner ofpage. phet lostni burnt corner of page.

I Stroke at end of paragraph repeated in left margin with addition n i later hand.




aliasque civitates, castella atque munitiones edificabat, ubi iam in huius regni possessione c o n fi r m a t u s acquieverat, fratremque alterum in u n a illarum quas

condiderat urbium praefectum constituit, quae illorum usitato sermone vocatur Porthlarg, cuius posteritas in hodiernum diem eius urbis dominio potitur. At

ipse Haraldus totam Hyberniam insulasquel2 cunctas Daniae regebat, que ex illo latere Scotiae adiacent, ut insula [fol. 134r] Cycladis inter mare Tyren et


naturae dotibus ornatum, ac velocitatis gloria c e l e b r e cui Isliniach nomen inditum erat: neque ei saltandi agilitate inferior erat Rinaldus. Comparandus hic quidem equus erat Cinnari equo Achillis, vel Bucephalo equo Alexandri [fol. 134v] Imperatoris.18 Alter Griffini frater, Ethminach Gawyn Rex etiam|° Ultoniae fuerat.

Daniam. Tertius fratrum (viz. Rodulphus)3 in Gallias naves direxit, ubi fortiter se

gessit, variisque proeliis#+ Gallos perdomuit, Galliae portionem non modicam sibi subiecit, quam hoc tempore Normaniam vocitamus: quod viri Northwegiae ex Septentrionalibus regionibus o r i g i n e deducentes ibi sedes fixerant. Hanc regionem in duodecim provincia sunt partiti, ad numerum Baronum, vel similitudinem ducum, qui in aliam Galliae partem Britanniam citeriorem, Wallice Lydaw dictam, olim advenerant. Hic civitates multas condiderunt ut Rodwn .i.

Rothomagum ad Rodulfi regis primi conditoris perpetuam memoriam, ut Roma a Romulo nomen acceperat, et a Remo Rhemi: necnon alias urbes, castella, locaque presidis firmata constituit. Ab hoc Rodulpho genus deduc*nt regesIs Normanniae qui Angliae regnum armis sibi acquisiverunt. Scilicet Willhelmus,

§7 Quam huc usquedelibauimus generis nobilitatem, ea quoniam Gruffinum humano quodam modo, et secundum rerum terrenarum rationem attingit, operae praetium me facturum spero, si eius quasi caelestem prosapiam et divinum genus exordiar: de quo ut communi etiam cum alijs hominibus ille psalterii versus testatur, vos

dij estis, et filij excelsiomnes, ita ut vere illud affirmetur, fuisse Griffinum Kynani, Kynanum Adae, Adam vero Dei filium. §8 Quam celebris ergo habenda cum si Griffini nobilitas, cum terrena, tum caelestis.

maternamque nobilitatem spectat.

Sumamus illud Merlini Britannorum Bardorum facile principis oraculum, qui de Griffino sic prophetasse dicitur. Saltus ferinus presagitur venturus, Demari insidiaturus, Cuius nomen corruptor quia Multos Corrumpet. Charissimi mihi Cambri,quos fraternadilectionecomplector, Griffinum cernitis cum terrena generis nobilitate, cum Merlini vaticinio commendatissimum:

§6 Atque ut paulo longius progrediamur, Aviae maternae genus non ignobile fuerat.

preclare res gesta, operaque magnifica,quae 02 antiquorum authoritate percurrere sumus polliciti; Non Diana vel Apolline, sed ipso Christo auspice ac favente

Normannus rex, et eius filij duo, qui ei in regno successerunt: Wilhelmus Longa Spata, vel Rufus, Henricus, neposque eius Stephanus, qui coetanei regis Gruffini fuerunt. Huiusmodi ergo fuerat stirpis Gruffini series, quae paternam

festinandum itaque videtur (hijs tamen faeliciter iactis fundamentis), ad eius

Siquidem Racvella, mater Gruffini, filia erat prenobilis feminae, Vaelcorere, filiae Dunlugi, qui filius erat Tethel regis Laginiae (quintae viz. partis Hyberniae).

Preterea Alam mater Auloed Regis filia erat Vryeni regis Innen, que Hyberniae duas partes continebat. Gurmlach!6 etiam mater Sutrici regis erat: Haec Marchathum regem Laginiae patrem habuit: cui ferunt tres filios nobilitate insignes fuisse, viz. Duncathum regem Innen, Sutricum Regem Dublinensem, atque Moelchelen Regem Midiuiae suscepisse necnon tradunt Murcathum

Regem Laginiae ex hac Regina Maelmordam filium. 71 Erant Griffino fratres duo uterini Ultoniae reges ambo, viz. Ranaldi fil. Mathganyn, qui tanta fortitudinis gloria precelluerit, ut intra dies quadraginta Hyberniae binas partes sibi subiugarit. Admirandum quoddam quasi monstrum marinum erat, cui similem vel virium robore vel saltandi peritia, Hybernia non habuit. Equum aluit multis

§9 Cum itaque iam Griffinus puer morum probitatecultus, ac petulanterenutritus.

adolescentiae annos attingeret materna in domo, interquecognatos: 21saepe illi solebat mater referre, qualis, quantus? eius pater extiterat, quam ampla ditio, quamque celebre regnum e iure haereditario debebatur, atque etiam quam crudelis iam tyrannus possideret. Quibus ille vocibus anxius, multoties animo subtristi multa secum versabat, tandem vero in curiam Murchathi regis profectus,

querelas apud eum et reliquos Hyberniae reges effudit gravissimas, monstrando gentem extraneam erus paternam haereditatem occupare, humiliterque petendo, ut ei auxiliares copias subministrarent, quibus eam vel armis recuperaret. Consensum est in eius subsidium polliceturque quisque opportuno temporee

suppetias ferre. Quo responso laetus summas gratias Deo illisque egit. 21 inulasque MS. 31 z Rodul lost ni burnt corner o fpage. 41 Lost in burnt c o r n e r ofpage.

51 Underlineda n dDuces added ni right margin ni a later handl

61 Gurmlach and Haec at the beginning of the next sentence joined by a line. 71 susepisse added above in a later hand.

81 Lost in burnt corner ofpage but restored from the catchword at the bottomof the preceding page. 91 Lost in burnt corner of page. non sine added above i nlater hand.


pera[...] added in left margin. 22 que added in laterhand.






Et quum expectatum tempus advenerat, naves extructas conscendit, vela dat ventis,

marque Cambriam versus sulcat, appulitque in portum dictum Abermeney; atque in ea Cambriae parte, que Venedotiae? vocabatur, tunc principatum iniuste ac tyrannice gerebant Trahearnus filius Caradoci, et Kynwricus filius Rhiwallon


occiderunt. In statione apud Abermeney consederat Griffinus h o tempore, rei eventum expectando, et illis felicia comprecando, cum ecce praecurrens iuvenis quidam Arvonensis, Anianus nomine, ut primus nuntium laetum portaret, viz.

occubuisse Tyrannum, et inimicum suum, premiumque quasi omen reciperet,

scilicet mulierem quandam [fol. 135v] speciosam,27 Deladam vocatam, quae

regulus [fol. 135r] Powisiae, quam inter se sunt partiti. Ex hoc loco Griffinus

concubina prius fuerat Blethyni Regis Cambriae, quemadmodum olim iuvenis quidamAmalechita usque ad Philistim ex bello quod gestum fuerat in montibus

Llyno, viz. 52 Asserum, Meirianum, et Gwrganum, aliosque viros superiores, ut qua poterant celeritate ei occurrerent. Isti postposita omni cunctatione veniunt,

Gelboae, ad David cucurrit, portans armillam, et sceptrum Saulis Regis cui

nuntios misit ad?4 incolas Insulae Monae, et Arvoniae, et tres filios Merwydi in

salutant, adventus causas querunt. Quibus cum expossuisset, vehementius ab illis contendebat, ut eum adiuvarent in hereditate paterna vendicanda (siquidem

ad illum iure spectabat ni illos dominari) atque ut arma secumcaperent, adversus eos qui ni eius possessiones iniuste dominarentur, ex alis locis quasi adventitios. Ab hac congressione sic finita, concilioque h o secreto absoluto, Griffinus rursum per mare iter arripit versus castrum de Rudlan, ad Robertum Baronem nobilem, et potentem, nepotem Hugonis Comitis Cestriae, u tauxilia vel precibus

David armillam dedit in premium tam laeti nuntil.

Jam reversi milites in expeditionem superiorem missi victoria ovantes, persuadent Griffino, ut ex h o faelici omine progrederetur ad recuperandam Monam, Arvoniam, Leynam, et alios suos cantredos Anglie conterminos utque28 populi sui submissionem, et indigenarum homagiumacceptaret, totamque Venedotiam (illi hereditario iure debitam) circuiret, quam misericors iam illi Deus in suas m a n u s obtulerat.

Hus gestis exercitum copiosum in cantredum de Meirioneth duct ubi

impetraret adversus hostes grassantes ni avitas ditiones. Postquam vero cognovit Robertus quis esset, quam ob causam adventasset, et quid ab eo contenderet, amice pollicitus est se ei adiutorem futurum.

Trahaernus tyrannorum alter morabatur; pugnaque commissa est ni loco vallis Kyning, qui Cambrice dictus est Gwaeterw, vel ager sanguinis, in hune usque diem. Ac Deus illi victoriam concessit eo temporede inimicis suis, decideruntque

§ll Dum de h i s inter se colloquerentur, accessit ad Griffinum mulier prudens

conservatus ex bello, quem Gruffinus cum exercitu per deserta, et montes usque

plus quam mille ex parte Trahaerni, quiet ipsecum paucis vix elapsus aufugit

Tanguistela appellata, eius cognata, et uxor Lywarchi Olbiwch,26 ut eum suum cognatum existentem salutaret, et bono quodam m i n e illi regnum praesagiret.

Itaque dono illi obtulit camisiam praepulchram quam habit optimam et tunicam ex yskin i. pelle Griffini filii Leolini Regis, fili Caecili quondam Regis Cambriae confectam. Siquidem Lywarchus eius maritus, castri prefectus et quaestor fuit magnae existimationis et fidei apud Regem illum Griffinum filium Leolini. §12 Hinc tandem conscensa navi Gruffinus in portum de Abermeney remigum viribus fretus revertitur. Ex quo loco milites armatos filiorum Merwydi, qui in

asylum de Celynnawk propter metum et minas Powisianorum, aliorumque suorum cognatorum confugerant, necnon sexaginta alios selectissimos quos ante nominatus Robertus Rudlaniae praefectus sibi in auxilium ex Tegenia miserat cum quadraginta insulanis de Mona in cantredum de Llyn, ut Kynwricum oppressorem depugnarent. Isti animosi profecti, et in eum improviso securum, et nihil tale expectantem impetum facientes, eum et suorum maximam partem 32 42 52 62

Sic; the scribe misread Thelwall's note ni Peniarth 434, p. 11.15. misit ad lost in burnt corner of page. no viz. lost in burnt corner ofpage. r added above with insertion mark after w .

ad fines patriae s u e persecutus est.

Post hanc

pugnam Griffini nomen

percrebuit: rex Vendedotiae publice salutabatur, qui quasi gigas ad currendam viam exultans summa laetitia circumfusus est, quod Venedotiamab iniquis et alienigenis dominis oppressam tam feliciter liberam fecisset: quomodo Judas ille Machabaeus olim terram Israel a dominatione regum infidelium, et gentibus conterminis liberasset, in eos irruendo saepissime.

Itaque rebus ad hunc

modum compositis, capit regnum iure disponere, populum pacificare, universaque in virga ferrea gloriose in domino gubernare.


Tempore am modico interiecto, proborum hominum consilio, exercitum coegit

numerosum, perrexitque versus Castrum de Rudlan, ut cum Roberto castri

prefecto, et equitibus alis Francis, et Normannis pugnaret, qui modo illuc ex Anglia deduct, inde in confinia Venedotiae ad habitandum commigrare ceperunt. Cum vero signo dato exercitum contra castrum eduxerat, usque ad

muros cuncta vastat, ac incendit, spoliaque opima domum referens. Equites illi loricati galeatique e Francis complures lapsi ex equis ni illa pugna ceciderunt, multi etiam peditum, ac vix pauci ni turrim see magna cum difficultate receperunt 72 Lost inburnt corner of page but restored from the catchword at the bottom of the preceding page. 82 utaque written first and then deleted, utque written above in same hand.



incolumes. Postquam reges, barones,cognatique Griffini ni Hybernia res a eo tam prosperrime gestas accepissent, ut [fol. 136r] qui apud eos natus, et enutritus


Regem, ac Principem suum tradiderunt: verum Bellator hic Dei, ut Gigas vel leo seipsum ultus est in utrosque.

fuerat, e i s fortunae congratulabantur.

Julius Caesar qui continuis bellis orbem terrarum sibi subiugarat a senatoribus Romanis in ipso Capitolio Romano proditione ac pugionibus confoditur.

§14 At tres illi filii Merwydi, virique Lleyn universi, adversus Gruffinum?

Arthurus etiam regum totius Britanniae33 rex praenobilis, et fama nunquam intermoritura dignus duodecim bella contra Saxones ac Pictos gessit. In quorum primo fusus fugatusque era ex proditione in civitate LIwyd Coet, q u e

dominum suum legitimum latenter insurrexerunt, et nocte quadam intempesta, ex equitibus Hybernis, et satellitibus Gruffini, qui in illa regionediversabantur quinquaginta duos occiderunt. Cum huius discordiae inter Griffinum, ac suos

subditos fama ad Trahaernum pervenisset, magnopere laetabatur, et tametsi

et LIwyn LIwyt dicitur, hodie Lincolnia. At in reliquis de Saxonibus Pictisque

subditorum suorum oppressoribus poenas dignas sumpsit, cui ne seni quidem resistere potuerunt.

iam victus esset, et fuga salutem quaeritans, statim Powisiae incolas adiit, $15

rogatque ut secum adversus Venedotiam in ultionem mortis Kynwrici consanguinei

sui u m expeditis militibus proficiscerentur. Hinc Gwrgeneus filius Caecili30 et

At Gruffinus34 in Hyberniam appulsus de proditoribus, oppressoribusque

regulus Powisiae, eiusque cohors una cum Trahaerno eiusque cohorte ad

subiugandum Griffini regnum veniunt. Quod ubi tres filli Merwydi, virique Lleyn, et Evionith audivissent, ut periuri, foedifragi, et hostium adiutores perdere Griffinum dominum suum meditantur; hostiumque ductores fiunt.

acerbissime conquestus est coram regibus principibusque ibidem, qui tanta indignitate commoti persuadere conantur, ut statim in patriam navibus iam reparatis. rebusque necessaris reverteretur: quorum vocibus aquiescens cum triginta navibus Hybernorum Danorumque militibus plenis mare profundum

Simili se flagitio inquinaverunt duo fratres de Mona, Theodorus viz., et Gollwynus, accepto tamen prius a Griffino suo stipendio apud Kelliniawc vawr.

sulcantibus in patrium solum vehitur, portumque Abermeney ocupat, ubi Trahaernum dominantem reperit. Qui audito classis regiae adventu, caepit

Proditione hac cognita, hostiumque adventu, Griffinus de Mona, Arvonia, una cum Danis et Hybernis quos potuit, deducit secum ni hostes; fit bellum crudele

tristitia affici, suspiria alta ducere: timore et tremore contabescere, ac suos omnes, qui illi in Lleyno et Ardudio favebant pecunias suas ac facultates secum

et atrox, utrimque decertatum est acerrime. At de exercitu Griffini interfecti complures iacebant, captique in praelio nonnulli. Sed Keritus, nutricius suus, et Varudrius Princeps Hybernorum, et dominusCruc Brenan (qui locus est excelsus. divi Brendani heremitae admirabilis, novem cantredos circumiacentes habens) et de Optimatibus Monae septuaginta occubuerunt. Attamen Griffinus equo insidens inter confertissimos hostes gladio suo rapido quasi metere proditores ac inimicos videbatur, non aliter atque Agamemnnon Rex Graecorum olim preliabatur in bello Troiano. At cum Theodorus Monensis proditorum caput stricto gladio adcurrens Griftinum ex posteriori ephippii parte perfossurus erat;

deducentes subito transmigrare fecit ad se ni cantredum de Meirionyth. Cum ex adverso Griffinus eusque exercitus partem reliquam Lleyniet Arvoniae in Monam transportat, ut ibi incolumes in eius tutela acquiescerent. At indignati auxiliarii Dani, suique satellites pretorii, quod promissa stipendia illis non sint persoluta, maximam Monae partem depopulati sunt, ac in patriam reverti

navibus spoliis onustis festinant; ipsumque invito secum auferunt. Nec fuit haec domesticorum suorum ad Griffinum opprimendum proditio remissior, quam illa prius C a m b r o r u m .

Gwynus vero Baro Monensis id conspicatus, adcurrens eum e proelio aufert et


ad naves deduxit, q u e in portu Abermeney in statione erant: et inde in insulam

Hinc mala innumera i n Venedotia exortasunt.

Adron (que et phocarum insula dicitur) abierunt: indeque in LIwchgarmaw in

enim ni manus Demetrii Regis infidelis populus Israeliticus Judam Maccabaeum

Ad has miserias accessit, quod paulo post Hugo Comes Cestriae, alique belli duces, viz. Robertus de Rutlan, Gwarinus de Salopia, Gwalterus Herefordiae Comes, exercitum (fol. 137r] amplissimum equitum peditumque collegerunt, comitantibus etiam Gwrganeo35 filio Caecilii, virisque Powisiae, et per montium iuga Lleynum usque36 pervenerint. In quo cantredo ubicastra per hebdomadam posuissent, omnia longe lateque depopulantur, fundunt, fugant, et plena

92 ruf lost ni burnt corner of page.

33 Arthurus added in later handin left margin.

13 MS has celebrantur with n deleted.

53 wrganeo lost n i burnt corner of page. 63 que lost inburnt corner ofpage.

Hybernia pertransierunt. Illa vero pugna loci nomine (in quo depugnatum est)

celebratur," usque ad hune diem, Bron yr Erw, vel Erw yr allt, appellatur. [136v] Nemo miretur has humanarum rerum vicissitudines, ut interdum

vincere,32 interdum fugere sit necesse; proditio siquidem regnat ab initio. Sic

03 filit Ithael, filii Gwerystan ni right margin ni later hand. 23 vine lost in burnt corner of page.

43 Guffinus MS.





cadaveribus relinquunt, adeo ut octo annorum spatio desolata et inculta regio illa remansit; populusque a tanta clade relictus, miseria hac coactus in alienas terras perfugatus est, cuius maxima pars durissimam serviebant servitutem in exilio per multos annos, et vix quisquam in patriam unquam reversus est.

Fuerat haec prima clades a Normannis illata, primusque eorum in Venedotiam ingressus, postquam in Angliam advenerint.


Cum iam annis nonnullis in Hybernia Griffinus hospitio exceptus esset apud Diermit reges et alios viros nobiles, classem insignem in p o r t ade Porthlarc

rebus instruxit ad iter necessaris, quam dono regis acceptam Danis, Hybernis, ac Britannis onustam duxit prosperrimo per mare cursu, adspirantibu s etiam secundis ventis in portum dictum Porth Cleis non longe a sede Archiepiscopali Menevensi. Ad cuius adventum Rhesus filius Theodori Rex australium

Cambrorum, et Menevensis Episcopus, doctores, ac chorus universus Sti. Davidis, clericique omnes ecclesiae Menevensis in portum sunt profecti:


Quo iureiurando confirmato, benedictioneque4 interposita, statim Griffinus iter arripit sequentibus eum Danis, Hybernis, plurimisque Venedotis ad Rhesus numerum centum et sexaginta, duce Cyndelo filio Comisia Monensis. cum perpaucis Australibus laetus simul proficiscitur; perbelle secum actum cogitans, quod tam opportunum auxilium nactus esset.

Longo iam itinere dimenso ad vesperam in montes perveniunt, ubi castra posuissent praedicti reges. Tum Rhesus Griffinum sic est allocutus: Domine, differamus prelium in crastinum, 42quod iam advesperascit, et lux defectura est. Differ (inquit Griffinus) quousque tibi placuerit, ego vero cum ea quam paratam habeo cohorte in eos impetum faciam. Quod, ut dixerat, praestabat.

Terrore ingenti conturbantur reges stupentque dum copias Griffini faeroces, constipata militum agmina, splendentia vexilla, Danos bipennibus armatos, Hybernos iacula ferreis cuspidibus cultellata ferentes, et hastatos scutatosque

Venedotos contra se venire conspiciunt. Ipse vero Griffinus proelium primus

Rhesusque primus Griffinum sic est allocutus: Salve Cambrorum regum Rex,

irruit, non secus ac gigas vel leo indefessus cruento gladio inimicos prosternens, milites suos animose in hostes excitans,et ne terga adversaris d a r e n t alacriter exhortans. Fit bellum atrocissimum et cruentum, cuius famam post patrum

Theodori huius nuper regionis dominus: nunc vero oppressus, profugus, ac pene obrutus, ni sacro hoc delitesco loco. Quis (ait Griffinus) te ni hoc fugere coegit? Domine (inquit ille) tres Cambriae reguli precipui, cum exercitibus suis

mortem longe exaudient fili. Clamor proeliantium in celum usque ascendit: resonare visa est terra fremitu equorum ac peditum: pugnaces dimicantium voces longe lateque exaudiuntur, strepitus armorum ingens fuit. Tanta strages facta est, dum Griffini copiae hostes suo delerent, sibique cedere compellerent, ut sudoris et sanguinis flumina43 decurrisse putarentur. Tandem Trahaernus

ad te confugio, tibi genua flecto supplex, auxilium suppetiasque petens. Tum Griffinus: Ouis tu? Et cuius huc advenisti causa? Rhesus (inquit): Sum filius

ni hunc principatum delati sunt, eius opes assidue exhaurientes. At quinam (ait

Griffinus) tam potentes eges, qui hanc pervagantur dominationem tanta

multitudine constipati. Caradocus (inquit ille) filius Griffini de Gwenta quae supra, et infra sylvam sita est, cum satellitibus suis, incolis de Morgannwe, cum plurimis aliis balistaris, et Normannis, Meiliricus filius Riwallani eum Powisianis, et Trahaernus Rex c u msuis etiam Arustlianis. Auditis vero nominibus eorum, qui Rhesi patriam tanta clade affecerunt. ira

indignationeque exaestuans Griffinus, quaerit ab eo, quodnam illi laboris premium constitueret, si c o n t r a illos [fol.

137v] eius hostes37 secum bellum

gereret: Dimidium (inquit Rhesus) ditionis meae tibi38dabo, homagiumque tibi praestabo. Conditionem cepit Griffinus: aedemque D.39 Davidi sacram ambo petunt, cum orandi tum foderis ineundi gratia.

effusis visceribus transfoditur, et terram pronus deiectus, quasi herbas viventes carpendo dentibus, et super arma palpare visus est. Cuius cadaver ut carmen suillam in lardum Gwcharkius Hybernus condidit; eodem in loco ceciderunt de

stipatoribus eius equites 25, alii vero eorum primo agmine deleti sunt: multa suorummillia interficiuntur, reliquorum nonnulli terga verterunt, inque [fol. 138r] fugam set4 precipitarunt. Griffinus vero victor more suo consueto eos* per silvas, valles, paludes, et montes tota illa nocte, lucente luna, et per totum diem posterum adeo acriter persecutus est, ut ex tanto numero vix unus aliquis in patriam sit reuersus.

Post hoc bellum terribile fortiter per Griffinum confectum, Rhesus net periculum proditionis a Griffino sibi intenderetur, subduxitsesesub crepusculum ab amicitia et consortio illius, nec in eius conspectum se postea dedit. Qua

perfidia commotus Griffinus suo ditionem Rhesi depopulari iussit, quod et 04 episcopi addedabove n i later hand. 14 Conusi added in left margin a sa correction. 24 castrinum MS.

13 eius hostes lost ni burnt corner of page but restored from the catchword at the bottom of the 83

preceding page. Lost in burnt cornerof page.

93 Anew line si started here, leaving three-quarters of a lineempty which si filled with line-filling marks.

34 MS has flamina corrected ot flumina; cf. Peniarth 434, p. 26.10-11. 4 Added above main text by main scribe with insertion mark after fugam. 54 sueto eos lost in burnt corner of page. 46

M . S h a s in c o r r e c t e d t o n e




factum est. Mons autem ni quo hoc bellum gestum est, incolae montem Carn appellant, quod ibi garnedd, .i e. lapidum ingens cumulus congestus 7 sit, sub


peritum et externarum linguarumscientia excellentem; in milites clementem et

munificum, ni hostes magnanimum, et ni proeliis fortissimum.

q u o heroem aliquem multis antea seculis sepultum esse ferunt. Postquam vero

hanc regionem maxima clade depopulationeque funditus devastasset, Griffinus i nArwystlensem pagum* copias duxit, in quo cede et flammadesaeviens, uxoribus virginibusque eorum in captivitatem ductis Trahaerni iniurias rursum in suorum capita persolvit. Postremo in Powisiam se contulit, ubi victoria potitus summa crudelitate in hostes usus est, adeo ut nec ecclesiis pepercerit. Ita

tandem inimicis omnibus fusis, terraque eorum ni solitudinem penitus redacta, in paternam hereditatem honorifice reversus est, ut eam quietam et pace faelicem

redderet, ac gubernaret. Sic Venedotia magna tranquillitate ad aliquod tempus gavisa est.

$21 Interim Hugo Comes Cestriae in ditionem eius copias ingentes adduxit, ac castella aliaque praesidiadiversis in locis edificari curavit Francorum more, quo et terre illi facilius imperaret. Hoc tempore castellum in Mona constituit, aliud in Arvonia in antiqua urbe Constantini imperatoris filii Constanti Magni, aliud apud Bangor, aliudque in Meirionyth: in quibus ad eorum defensionem equites, pedites, sagittariosque collocavit. Qui tanta crudelitate tantisque malis patriae incolas affecerunt, quantam nulla unquam e t a s viderat. At populorum clamor ad Deum ascendebat, ipseque illis opportuno tempore subsidium tulit.


Dum ad h u n modum Griffinus regni sui delicis frueretur, Meirianus Rufus,

§22 Siquidem post sedecim annorum spatium e carcere Griffinus liberatus est,

Baro suus, diabolico incitatus telo, eum coram Hugone comite Caestriae maliciose non solum accusavit, sed perdidit sic. Duos Comites Francos Hugonem scilicet

idque sic evenit. Juvenis quidam Ederniensis Kynwricus Longus nomine una cum paucis sodalibus Cestriam veniens ad necessaria comenda, conspicit forte

prius nominatum, et Hugonem Salopiae filium Roger de Montegomerico

ni palatio civitatis suum regem vinculis astrictum, quem in dorso abreptum clam e civitate subduxit, iterque in patriam vespere cum socis conficit, civibus

iussit ut equites peditesque magno numero secum usque in locum Rvc dictum, in Edeyrnion ducerent. Tum proditor his adulatoris verbis eum deceit: Salutant te (inquit) princes magnifice comites duo illustres, qui tibi vicini ad

confinia tui regni habitant. Hii summopere a te contendunt, 49 ut apud Ruc in Edeirnion ad colloquendum cum tuis auxiliaris et hospitibus venire digneris, interposita sponsione eundi redeundique sine periculo. Huius vocibus fidem adhibens Griffinus, in illum sui principatus locum profectus, ut in conspectum comitum venerat, comprehendi [fol. 138v50 eum statimS mandarunt, et in publica foetentique custodia Cestriae ferreis catenis devinctum annis duodecim tenuerunt. Hospites vero eius tum etiam captos, amputatis singulorum pollicibus dextris, inhumanius afflictos liberos dimiserunt. Ceteri (audito tanto facinore) in varias regiones sunt dispersi, non aliter atque illud divinum oraculum habeat: "'Percutiam pastorem, et dispergentur oves gregis'.


Amici ac domestic Griffin retulerunt eum fuisse stature mediocris capillis flavis, cerebro calido, facie rotunda, et formosi coloris, oculis cum decore grandioribus, superciliis perpulchris, barba decora, collo subrotundo, carne

candida, membris robustis, digitis longis, tibiis rectis, et speciosis pedibus; 74 congestum MS. 84 Changed to agrum by later hand. Preceded by vp deleted.

os Vita Griffini Regis Venedotiae ni top margin ni a later hand. Is eum statim lost ni burnt corner of page but restored from hte catchword at the bottom of the preceding page.

iam caenantibus, atque domi apud se tacite diebus nonnullis aluit. Quibus elapsis valetudineque recuperata, latenter noctu Griftinum in Monam deduxit, ubi Sandevus filius Ayrei clanculum ei necessaria subministrauit: verum non

multo post, conscensa navi, in Hyberniam transfretare tentavit: at ventus adversus eum in portum Hodni in australibus partibus Walliae coegit. Inde pedestri itinere pergens novem electissimis amicis tantummodo comitatus

(quorum [fol. 139г]2 nonus ibi occubuit), tribus vicibus uno, eodemque die, presidiariis$ militibus illius regionis pugnavit, terque eos superavit,quum octo tantumS+ illi superessent$S comites: unumque ipse ex adversaris generis nobilitate in illa regione praestantem interfecit, sicque ex illorum manibus evasit. Iter hoc§6 in Ardudwy usqueconfecit, incertus quo pergeret, ne proderetur a Francis.Tandem fili Collwini Egimirus, Gellanus, Merwydus, ac Edenyvedus eum ad se compassione moti receperunt, rebusque necessaris in desertis latibulis sustentarunt. Post aliquot menses sexaginta viros ad illum coegerunt,

ac per Venedotiam de loco ni locum

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